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Full text of "The buccaneers of America : a true account of the most remarkable assaults committed of late years upon the coast of the West Indies by the buccaneers of Jamaica and Tortuga, both English and French, wherein are contained more especially the unparalleled exploits of Sir Henry Morgan, our English Jamaican hero, who sacked Porto Bello, burnt Panama, etc."

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‘‘ Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale 
Her infinite variety.” 

Printed in Great Britain 


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Broadway Cranslations 

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Wherein are contained more especially the Unparalleled Exploits 
of SIR HENRY MORGAN, our English Jamaican Hero, who 
sacked Porto Bello, burnt Panama, etc. 

Written originally in Dutch by 

One of the Buccaneers who was present at these tragedies 

Translated into Spanish by 

Now faithfully rendered into English 
with Facsimiles of all the Original Engravings, Maps, etc. 
Revised and Edited by 

C Sovnenschem J 

To which is prefixed an Introductory Essay by 






THE first three Parts of this work were originally written in 
Dutch by Alex. Olivier Exquemelin (1645-1707)—anglicized 
as JOHN ESQUEMELING; and published in Amsterdam in 1678 
under the title De Americaensche Zeerovers. A Spanish trans- 
lation by A. de Buena-Maison, under the title Piratas de la 
America, appeared in small 4to, at Colonia Agrippina 1681, 
and translations into other European languages followed, each 
magnifying the deeds of its own national hero, sometimes at 
the expense of Esquemeling’s text. 

The FourtH Part consists of the Journal of Basil Ringrose, 
* gent.”, one of the English Buccaneers ; and gives an account 
of their principal exploits in the South Seas, with which 
Esquemeling dealt only in outline. Ringrose was with the 
Buccaneers at Darien in 1680, and returned to England in 1682: 
his Journal appeared as the second volume of Esquemeling’s 
work in 1685. He sailed in 1684 for the South Seas in the 
Cygnet, whose Captain joined the Buccaneers: he was killed 
by the Spaniards in Mexico in 1686. 

The present edition is a verbatim reprint—modernized in 
respect of punctuation, and obsolete spellings and verbal 
and typographic eccentricities—of the second edition of the 
English translation (London: printed for William Crooke, 
at the Green Dragon without Temple-bar, 1684), which con- 
tains two additional chapters (XI and XII) to the first edition 
(also 1684) relating the adventures of Captain Cook, Captain 
Sharp, and others. Ringrose’s FourTH Part is reprinted from 
the first edition, which is excessively rare, valued to-day at 
about £60 (in good condition). A few notes have been added at 
the foot of the pages where obscurities—chiefly verbal—occur. 

The essay on this book from the pen of the late Mr Andrew 
Lang is reprinted from his Essays in Little, by kind permission 
of Messrs Longmans, Green and Co., its publishers. 

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The author sets forth towards the Western Islands, in 
the service of the West India Company of France. 
They meet with an English frigate, and arrive at the 
island of Tortuga 

Description of the island of Tortuga: of the fruits and 
plants there growing: how the French settled there, 
at two several times, and cast out the Spaniards, first 
masters thereof. The author of this book was twice 
sold in the said Island 

: Description of the great and famous Island of Hispaniola 
: Of the Fruits, Trees, and Animals that are found at 


: Of all sorts of quadruped animals and birds that are 

found in this island. As also a relation of the French 

: Of the origin of the most famous Pirates of the coasts of 

America. A notable exploit of Pierre le Grand 

: After what manner the Pirates arm their vessels, and 

how they regulate their voyages 

: Origin of Francis L’Ollonais, and beginning of his 


: L’Ollonais equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish islands 

of America, with intent to rob, sack, and burn what- 
ever he met 

: L’Ollonais makes new preparations to take the city of 

St James de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua, where 
he miserably perishes 

: Of the origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan—his 

exploits and a continuation of the most remarkable 
actions of his life 

: Some account of the island of Cuba. Captain Morgan 

attempts to preserve the isle of St Catharine as a 
refuge and nest to Pirates; but fails of his designs. 
He arrives at and takes the village of El Puerto del 

Captain Morgan resolves to attack and plunder the city 
of Porto Bello. To this effect he equips a fleet, ana 
with little expense and small forces, takes the said place 





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Captain Morgan takes the city of Maracaibo, on the 
coast of New Venezuela. Piracies committed in those 
seas. Ruin of three Spanish ships that were set forth 
to hinder the robberies of the Pirates 

PARI iif 

: Captain Morgan goes to the isle of Hispaniola to equip a 

new fleet, with intent to pillage again upon the coasts 
of the West Indies 

: What happened in the river De la Hacha 
: Captain Morgan leaves the island of Hispaniola, and 

goes to that of St Catharine, which he takes 

: Captain Morgan takes the Castle of Chagre, with four 

hundred men sent for this purpose from the Isle of 
St Catharine 

: Captain Morgan departs from the Castle of Chagre, at 

- the head of twelve hundred men, with design to take 
the city of Panama 

: Captain Morgan sends several canoes and boats to the 

South Sea. He sets fire to the city of Panama. 
Robberies and cruelties committed there by the 
Pirates till their return to the Castle of Chagre 

Of a voyage made by the author along the coasts of 
Costa Rica, at his return towards Jamaica. What 
happened most remarkable in the said voyage. Some 
observations made by him at that time 

The author departs towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios. 
Of the commerce which here the Pirates exercise with 
the Indians. His arrival at the Island De los Pinos ; 
and, finally, his return to Jamaica 

The relation of the shipwreck which Monsieur Bertram 
Ogeron, Governor of the isle of Tortuga, suffered near 
the Isles of Guadanillas. How both he and his com- 
panions fell into the hands of the Spaniards. By 
what arts he escaped their hands, and preserved his 
life. The enterprise which he undertook against 
Porto Rico to deliver his people. The unfortunate 
success of that design 

: A relation of what encounters lately happened at the 

islands of Cayana and Tobago between the Count de 
Estres, Admiral of France, in America, and the Heer 
Jacob Binkes, Vice-Admiral of the United Provinces, 
in the same parts 

Adventures of Captain Cook, in the year 1678. He is 
taken by the Spaniards. Bold exploits, and revenge 
of his losses, performed by some few Buccaneers that 
were on board his ship 

A brief account of Captain Sharp and other his com- 
panions ; their voyage from Jamaica unto the province 
of Darien and South Sea; with the robberies and 
assaults they committed there for the space of three 
years, till their return for England in the year 1682. 
Given by one of the Buccaneers who was present at 
those transactions 













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Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and others set forth in 
a fleet towards the province of Darien, upon the con- 
tinent of America. Their designs to pillage and 
plunder in those parts. Number of their ships, and 
strength of their forces by sea and land 
They march towards the town of Santa Maria with 
design to take it. The Indian King of Darien meets 
, them by the way. Difficulties of this march, with 
other occurrences till they arrive at the place 
They take the town of Santa Maria with no loss of men, 
and but small booty of what they fought for. Descrip- 
tion of the place, country, and river adjacent. They 
resolve to go and plunder for the second time the city 
of Panama 

: The Buccaneers leave the town of Santa Maria, and 

proceed by sea to take Panama. Extreme difficulties, 
with sundry accidents and dangers of that voyage 

: Shipwreck of Mr Ringrose, the author of this narrative. 

He is taken by the Spaniards, and miraculously by 
them preserved. Several other accidents and 
disasters which befel him after the loss of his com- 
panions till he found them again. Description of the 
Gulf of Vallona 

The Buccaneers prosecute their voyage, till they come 
within sight of Panama. They take several barks 
and prisoners by the way. Are descried by the 
Spaniards before their arrival. They order the 
Indians to kill the prisoners 

They arrive within sight of Panama. Are encountered 
by three small men-of-war. They fight them with 
only 68 men, and utterly defeat them, taking two of 
the said vessels. Description of that bloody fight. They 
take several ships at the Isle of Perico before Panama 

Description of the state and condition of Panama, and 
the parts adjacent. What vessels they took while they 
blocked up the said Port. Captain Coxon with 
seventy more returns home. Sawkins is chosen in chief 

Captain Sawkins, chief commander of the Buccaneers, 
is killed before Puebla Nueva. They are repulsed 
from the said place. Captain Sharp chosen to be 
their leader. Many more of their company leave them 
and return home overland 

: They depart from the island of Cayboa to the island of 

Gorgona, where they careen their vessels. Description 
of this isle. They resolve to go and plunder Arica, 
leaving their design of Guayaquil 

The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Gorgona, with 
design to plunder Arica. They lose one another by the 
way. They touch at the Isle of Plate, or Drake’s Isle, 
where they meet again. Description of this isle. 
Some memoirs of Sir Francis Drake. An account of 
this voyage and the coasts all along. They sail as far in 
a fortnight as the Spaniards usually do in three months 














XII: Captain Sharp and his company depart from the Isle of 

Plate in prosecution of their voyage towards Arica. 
They take two Spanish vessels by the way, and learn 
intelligence from the enemy. Eight of their company 
destroyed at the Isle of Gallo. Tediousness of this 
voyage, and great hardships they endured. Descrip- 
tion of the coast all along, and their sailings 

XIII: A continuation of their long and tedious voyage to 

Arica, with a description of the coasts and sailings 
thereunto. Great hardship they endured for want 
of water and other provisions. They are descried at 
Arica, and dare not land there—the country being all 
in arms before them. They retire from thence, and 
go to Puerto de Hilo, close by Arica. Here they land, 
take the town with little or no loss on their side, 
refresh themselves with provisions; but in the end 
are cheated by the Spaniards, and forced shamefully 
to retreat from thence 

XIV: The Buccaneers depart from the Port of Hilo, and sail 

to that of Coquimbo. They are descried before their 
arrival. Notwithstanding they land; are encoun- 
tered by the Spaniards; and put them to flight. 
They take, plunder, and fire the City of la Serena. A 
description thereof. A stratagem of the Spaniards, 
in endeavouring to fire their ship, discovered and 
prevented. They are deceived again by the Spaniards, 
and forced to retire from Coquimbo, without any 
ransom for the City or considerable pillage. They 
release several of their chief prisoners 

XV: The Buccaneers depart from Coquimbo for the isle of 

Juan Fernandez. An exact account of this voyage. 
Misery they endure, and great dangers they escape 
very narrowly there. They mutiny among them- 
selves, and choose Watling to be their chief comman- 
der. Description of the island. Three Spanish 
men-of-war meet with the Buccaneers at the said 
island, but these outbrave them on the one side and 
give them the slip on the other 

: The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Juan Fernandez 

to that of Iquique. Here they take several prisoners, 
and learn intelligence of the posture of affairs at Arica. 
Cruelty committed upon one of the said prisoners who 
had rightly informed them. They attempt Arica the 
second time, and take the town, but are beaten out of 
it again before they could plunder—with great loss 
of men, many of them being killed, wounded, and 
made prisoners. Captain Watling, their chief Com- 
mander, is killed in this attack, and Captain Sharp 
presently chosen again, who leads them off, and 
through mountains of difficulties makes a bold retreat 
to the ship 

XVII: A description of the Bay of Arica. They sail hence to 

the Port of Guasco, where they get provisions. A 
draft of the said port. They land again at Hilo to 
revenge the former affronts, and take what they could 











XIX : 






XXV : 


They depart from the Port of Hilo to the Gulf of Nicoya, 
where they take down their decks and mend the 
sailing of their ship. Forty-seven of their companions 
leave them, and go home over land. A description 
of the Gulf of Nicoya. They take two barks and 

some prisoners there. Several other remarks belong- 

ing to this voyage 

They depart from the Gulf of Nicoya to Golfo Dulce, 
where they careen their vessel. An account of their 
sailings along the coast; also a description of Golfo 
Dulce. The Spaniards force the Indians of Darien to 
a peace by a stratagem contrived in the name of the 

They depart from Golfo Dulce, to go and cruise under 
the equinoctial. Here they take a rich Spanish vessel 
with 37,000 pieces-of-eight, besides plate and other 
goods. They take also a packet-boat bound from 
Panama to Lima. An account of their sailings and 
the coast along 

They take another Spanish ship richly laden under the 
equinoctial. They make several dividends of their 
booty among themselves. They arrive at the Isle of 
Plate, where they are in danger of being all massacred 
by their slaves and prisoners. Their departure thence 
for the port and bay of Paita, with design to plunder 
the said place 

They arrive at Paita, where they are disappointed of 
their expectations, as not daring to land, seeing all 
the country alarmed before them. They bear away 
for the Strait of Magellan. Description of the bay 
and port of Paita, and Colan. An account of their 
sailings towards the Strait aforementioned 

The Buccaneers arrive at a place incognito, to which 
they give the name of the Duke of York’s Islands. 
A description of the said islands and of the gulf, or 
lagoon, wherein they lie, so far as it was searched. 
They remain there many days by stress of weather, not 
without great danger of being lost. An account of 
some other remarkable things that happened there 

They depart from the English Gulf in quest of the 
Strait of Magellan, which they cannot find. They 
return home by an unknown way, never navigated 

The Buccaneers continue their navigation, without 
seeing any land, till they arrive at the Caribbean 
Islands in the West Indies. They give away their 
ship to some of their companions that were poor, and 
disperse for several countries. The author of this 
Journal arrives in England 











Str HENRY MORGAN Frontispiece 

Francis L’OLLonais | 83 





Most of us, as boys, have envied the buccaneers. The 
greatest of all boys, Canon Kingsley, once wrote a pleasing 
and regretful poem in which the Last Buccaneer represents 
himself as a kind of picturesque philanthropist : 
* There were forty craft in Aves that were both swift and stout, 

All furnished well with small arms, and cannons round about ; 

And a thousand men in Aves made laws so fair and free, 

To choose their valiant captains and obey them loyally. 

Thence we sailed against the Spaniard with his hoards of plate and 

Which he wrung with cruel tortures from Indian folk of old ; 

Likewise the merchant captains, with hearts as hard as stone, 
Who flog men and keel-haul them, and starve them to the bone.” 

The buccaneer is “ a gallant sailor ’’, according to Kingsley’s 
poem—a Robin Hood of the waters, who preys only on the 
wicked rich, or the cruel and Popish Spaniard, and the 
extortionate shipowner. For his own part, when he is not 
rescuing poor Indians, the buccaneer lives mainly “‘ for climate 
and the affections ”’ : 

“‘ Oh, sweet it was in Aves to hear the landward breeze, 
A swing with good tobacco in a net between the trees, 

With a negro lass to fan you, while you listened to the roar 
Of the breakers on the reef outside that never touched the shore.”’ 

This is delightfully idyllic, like the lives of the Tahitian 
shepherds in The Anti-Jacobin—the shepherds whose occu- 
pation was a sinecure, as there were no sheep in Tahiti. 

Yet the vocation was not really so touchingly chivalrous 
as the poet would have us deem. One Joseph Esquemeling, 
himself a buccaneer, has written the history and described 
the exploits of his companions in plain prose, warning eager 

? Reprinted, by kind permission of Messrs Longmans, Green and Co., 
from his Essays in Little, 



youths that ‘ pieces-of-eight do not grow on every tree ”’, 
as many raw recruits have believed. Mr Esquemeling’s 
account of these matters may be purchased, with a great 
deal else that is instructive and entertaining, in The History 
of the Buccaneers in America. My edition (of 1810) is a dumpy 
little book, in very small type, and quite a crowd of publishers 
took part in the venture. The older editions are difficult to 
procure if your pockets are not stuffed with pieces-of-eight. 
You do not often find even this volume, but ‘“‘ when found 
make a note of ’’, and you have a reply to Canon Kingsley. 

A charitable old Scotch lady, who heard our ghostly foe 
evil spoken of, remarked that ‘“ If we were all as diligent and 
conscientious as the Devil, it would be better for us’’. Now, 
the buccaneers were certainly models of diligence and con- 
scientiousness in their own industry, which was to torture people 
till they gave up their goods, and then to run them through 
the body, and spend the spoils over drink and dice. Except 
Dampier, who was a clever man, but a poor buccaneer (Mr 
Clark Russell has written his life), they were the most hideously 
ruthless miscreants that ever disgraced the earth and the sea. 
But their courage and endurance were no less notable than 
their greed and cruelty, so that a moral can be squeezed even 
out of these abandoned miscreants. The soldiers and sailors 
who made their way within gunshot of Khartoum, overcoming 
thirst, hunger, heat, the desert, and the gallant children of 
the desert, did not fight, march, and suffer more bravely than 
the scoundrels who sacked Maracaibo and burned Panama. 
Their good qualities were no less astounding and exemplary 
than their almost incredible wickedness. They did not lie 
about in hammocks much, listening to the landward wind 
among the woods—the true buccaneers. To tell the truth, 
most of them had no particular cause to love the human 
species. They were often Europeans who had been sold into 
slavery on the West Indian plantations, where they learned 
lessons of cruelty by suffering it. Thus Mr Joseph Esquemel- 
ing, our historian, was beaten, tortured, and nearly starved to 
death in Tortuga, “‘so I determined, not knowing how to get 
any living, to enter into the order of the pirates or robbers of 
the sea’”’. The poor Indians of the isles, much pitied by 
Kingsley’s buccaneer, had a habit of sticking their prisoners 
all over with thorns, wrapped in oily cotton, whereto they 


then set fire. ‘‘ These cruelties many Christians have seen 
while they lived among these barbarians’’, Mr Esquemeling 
was to see, and inflict, plenty of this kind of torment, which 
was not out of the way nor unusual. One planter alone had 
killed over a hundred of his servants—‘‘ the English did the 
same with theirs ”’. 

A buccaneer voyage began in stealing a ship, collecting 
desperadoes, and torturing the local herdsmen till they gave 
up their masters’ flocks, which were salted as provisions. 
Articles of service were then drawn up, on the principle “ no 
prey, no pay’’. The spoils, when taken, were loyally divided 
as a rule, though Captain Morgan, of Wales, made no more 
scruple about robbing his crew than about barbecuing a 
Spanish priest. ‘‘ They are very civil and charitable to each 
other, so that if any one wants what another has, with great 
willingness they give it to one another’’. In other matters 
they did not in the least resemble the early Christians. A 
fellow nicknamed The Portuguese may be taken as our first 
example of their commendable qualities. 

With a small ship of four guns he had taken a great one 
of twenty guns, with 70,000 pieces-of-eight. . . . He himself, 
however, was presently captured by a larger vessel, and 
imprisoned on board. Being carelessly watched, he escaped 
on two earthen jars (for he could not swim), reached the woods 
in Campechy, and walked for a hundred and twenty miles 
through the bush. His only food was a few shell-fish, and by 
way of a knife he had a large nail, which he whetted to an edge 
onastone. Having made a kind of raft, he struck a river, and 
paddled to Golpho Triste, where he found congenial pirates. 
With twenty of these, and a boat, he returned to Campechy, 
where he had been a prisoner, and actually captured the large 
ship in which he had lain captive! Bad luck pursued him, 
however : his prize was lost in a storm’; he reached Jamaica 
in a canoe, and never afterwards was concerned as leader in 
any affair of distinction. Not even Odysseus had more 
resource, nor was more long-enduring ; but Fortune was The 
Portuguese’s foe. . 

Braziliano, another buccaneer, served as a pirate before 
the mast, and “‘ was beloved and respected by all”. Being 
raised to command, he took a plate ship; but this success 
was of indifferent service to his otherwise amiable character. 


“He would often appear foolish and brutish when in drink ”’, 
and has been known to roast Spaniards alive on wooden spits 
“for not showing him hog yards where he might steal swine ”’. 
One can hardly suppose that Kingsley would have regretted 
this buccaneer, even if he had been the last, which unluckily 
he was not. His habit of sitting in the street beside a barrel 
of beer, and shooting all passers-by who would not drink with 
him, provoked remark, and was an act detestable to all 
friends of temperance principles. 

Francois L’Olonnois, from Southern France, had been 
kidnapped, and sold as a slave in the Caribbee Islands. 
Recovering his freedom, he plundered the Spanish, says my 
buccaneer author, “ till his unfortunate death’. With two 
canoes he captured a ship which had been sent after him, 
carrying ten guns and a hangman for his express benefit. This 
hangman, much, to the fellow’s chagrin, L’Olonnois put to 
death like the rest of his prisoners. His great achievements 
were in the Gulf of Venezuela or Bay of Maracaibo. The gulf 
is a strong place; the mouth, no wider than a gun-shot, is 
guarded by two islands. Far up the inlet is Maracaibo, a town 
of three thousand people, fortified and surrounded by woods. 
Yet farther up is the town of Gibraltar. To attack these was 
a desperate enterprise ; but L’Olonnois stole past the forts, 
and frightened the townsfolk into the woods. As a rule the 
Spaniards made the poorest resistance ; there were examples 
of courage, but none of conduct. With strong forts, heavy 
guns, many men, provisions, and ammunition, they quailed 
before the desperate valour of the pirates. The towns were 
sacked, the fugitives hunted out in the woods, and the most 
abominable tortures were applied to make them betray their 
friends and reveal their treasures. When they were silent, 
or had no treasures to declare, they were hacked, twisted, 
burned, and starved to death. 

Such were the manners of L’Olonnois; and Captain 
Morgan, of Wales, was even more ruthless. 

Gibraltar was well fortified and strengthened after Mara- 
caibo fell; new batteries were raised, the way through the 
woods was barricaded, and no fewer than eight hundred 
men were under arms to resist a small pirate force, exhausted 
by debauch, and having its retreat cut off by the forts at the 
mouth of the great salt-water loch. But L’Olonnois did not 

- ~~ =. <4. 


blench ; he told the men that audacity was their one hope, 
also that he would pistol the first who gave ground. The men 
cheered enthusiastically, and a party of three hundred and 
fifty landed. The barricaded way they could not force, and 
in a newly cut path they met a strong battery which fired 
grape. But L’Olonnois was invincible. He tried that old 
trick which rarely fails, a sham retreat, and this lured the 
Spaniards from their earthwork on the path. The pirates 
then turned, sword in hand, slew two hundred of the enemy, 
and captured eight guns. The town yielded, the people fled 
to the woods, and then began the wonted sport of torturing 
the prisoners. Maracaibo they ransomed afresh, obtained 
a pilot, passed the forts with ease, and returned after sacking 
a small province. On a dividend being declared, they parted 
260,000 pieces-of-eight among the band, and spent the pillage 
in a revel of three weeks. 

L’Olonnois ‘‘ got great repute’”’ by this conduct, but I 
rejoice to add that in a raid on Nicaragua he “ miserably 
perished’, and met what Mr Esquemeling calls “his un- 
fortunate death’, For L’Olonnois was really an ungentle- 
manly character. He would hack a Spaniard to pieces, tear 
out his heart, and “‘ gnaw it with his teeth like a ravenous 
wolf, saying to the rest ‘ I will serve you all alike if you show 
me not another way ’”’ (to a town which he designed attack- 
ing). In Nicaragua he was taken by the Indians, who, being 
entirely on the Spanish side, tore him to pieces and burned 
him. Thus we really must not be deluded by the professions 
of Mr Kingsley’s sentimental buccaneer, with his pity for 
“ the Indian folk of old ”’. 

Except Denis Scott, a worthy bandit in his day, Captain 
Henry Morgan is the first renowned British buccaneer. He 
was a young Welshman, who, after having been sold as a slave 
in Barbadoes, became a sailor of fortune. With about four 
hundred men he assailed Puerto Bello. ‘‘ If our number is 
small ’’, he said, ‘‘ our hearts are great ’’, and so he assailed 
the third city and place of arms which Spain then possessed 
in the West Indies. The entrance of the harbour was protected 
by two strong castles, judged as “‘ almost impregnable ’’, 
while Morgan had no artillery of any avail against fortresses. 
Morgan had the luck to capture a Spanish soldier, whom he 
compelled to parley with the garrison of the castle. This he 


stormed and blew up, massacring all its defenders, while with 
its guns he disarmed the sister fortress. When all but de- 
feated in a new assault, the sight of the English colours 
animated him afresh. He made the captive monks and nuns 
carry the scaling ladders ; in this unwonted exploit the poor 
religious folk lost many of their numbers. The wall was 
mounted, the soldiers were defeated, though the Governor 
fought like a Spaniard of the old school, slew many pirates 
with his own hand, and pistolled some of his own men for 
cowardice. He died at his post, refusing quarter, and falling 
like a gentleman of Spain. Morgan, too, was not wanting in 
fortitude: he extorted 100,000 pieces-of-eight from the 
Governor of Panama, and sent him a pisto] as a sample of the 
gun wherewith he took so great a city. He added that he 
would return and take this pistol out of Panama ; nor was he 
less good than his word. In Cuba he divided 250,000 pieces-of- 
eight, and a great booty in other treasure. A few weeks saw 
it all in the hands of the tavern-keepers and women of the 

Morgan’s next performance was a new sack of Maracaibo, 
now much stronger than L’Olonnois had found it. After the 
most appalling cruelties, not fit to be told, he returned, passing 
the castles at the mouth of the port by an ingenious stratagem. 
Running boatload after boatload of men to the land side, he 
brought them back by stealth, leading the garrison to expect 
an attack from that quarter. The guns were massed to land- 
ward, and no sooner was this done than Morgan sailed up 
through the channel with but little loss. Why the Spaniards 
did not close the passage with a boom does not appear. 
Probably they were glad to be quit of Morgan on any terms. 

A great Spanish fleet he routed by the ingenious employ- 
ment of a fire-ship. In a later expedition a strong place was 
taken by a curious accident. One of the buccaneers was shot 
through the body with an arrow. He drew it out, wrapped it 
in cotton, fired it from his musket, and so set light to a roof 
and burned the town. 

His raid on Panama was extraordinary for the endurance 
of his men. For days they lived on the leather of bottles and 
belts. ‘‘ Some, who were never out of their mothers’ kitchens, 
may ask how these pirates could eat and digest these pieces 
of leather, so hard and dry ? Whom I answer—that could they 


once experience what hunger, or rather famine is, they would 
find the way, as the pirates did’. It was at the close of this 
march that the Indians drove wild bulls among them; but 
they cared very little for these new allies of the Spaniards : 
beef, in any form, was only too welcome. 

Morgan burned the fair cedar houses of Panama, but lost 
the plate ship with all the gold and silver out of the churches. 
How he tortured a poor wretch who chanced to wear a pair 
of taffety trousers belonging to his master, with a small silver 
key hanging out, it is better not to repeat. The men only got 
two hundred pieces-of-eight each, after all their toil, for their 
Welshman was indeed a thief, and bilked his crews, no less 
than he plundered the Spaniards, without remorse. Finally, 
he sneaked away from the fleet with a ship or two ; -and it is 
to be feared that Captain Morgan made rather a good thing by 
dint of his incredible cruelty and villainy. 

And so we leave Mr Esquemeling, whom Captain Morgan 
also deserted ; for who would linger long when there is not 
even honour among thieves? Alluring as the pirate’s pro- 
fession is, we must not forget that it had a seamy side, and 
was by no means all rum and pieces-of-eight. And there is 
something repulsive to a generous nature in roasting men be- 
cause they will not show you where to steal hogs. 


Tue first edition of this History of the Buccaneers was received 
with such general applause of most people, but more especially 
of the learned, as to encourage me towards obliging the public 
with this second impression, though within the space of three 
months of time. This I have completed with the same cuts and 
maps, and all the other embellishments which the former had ; 
and yet rendered it by the closeness of its character more easy to 
be purchased, as being comprehended in a fewer number of sheets 
of paper. Unto this second edition I have also added some 
velations which have been imparted to me from good and 
authentic hands ; wherein ave contained several other bold 
exploits and attempts, performed of late years by the same 
Buccaneers, especially since the time that the author of the first 
impression left those parts of the West Indies, and published his 
book in Holland. These are comprehended in two or three 
chapters at the latter end of this second edition, and do chiefly 
velate unto the adventures of Captain Cook in the year 1678, 
and the hazardous and bold attempts of Captain Sharp and 
others ; who lately, setting forth from Jamaica, penetrated into 
the South Sea, and there ransacked and pillaged, for the space of 
three years, all they could meet, returning at last homewards 
about the Tierra del Fuego, commonly called Terra Australis 
Incognita, beyond the Strait of Magellan ; and thus performing 
one of the boldest and longest voyages that ever was attempted in 
the world. Of all which voyage, and especially of all the 
soundings, ports, harbours, rivers, creeks, islands, rocks, towns, 
and cities belonging unto the whole navigation of the South Sea, 
he hath brought home such an exact description, and such complete 
maps, taken from the Spaniards themselves, who only navigate 
that ocean, as were never seen in these parts of the world before. 


The very Journal of this triennial navigation, I am informed, ts 
now in the press, being published by a worthy gentleman of my 
acquaintance ; the perusal whereof I hope will acquit what I 
have said to be nothing more nor less than the very truth itself. 

What I here give my reader concerning Captain Sharp and his 
companions 1s only a short account of his transactions, which 
may serve for an accomplishment of this History of the 
Buccaneers (he being one of the same profession) ; which I 
veceived from the very hand of one of his seamen who was present 
at these exploits (and which was printing before I heard of the 
Journal of Captain Sharp): the which likewise how far it will 
agree with the Journal itself (as I hear is almost ready to be 
published) I cannot easily declare, as having not seen nor perused 
the said book. Yet thus much I am induced to believe of this 
narrative, though never so shortly compiled, that it will not much 
deviate from the substance of what matter of fact will be there 
rehearsed, and that the said Journal, when published, will 
appear, for its novelty and curiosity, to be as it were a 
Second Part of this History of the Buccaneers. All which 
notwithstanding, something may be yet remaining behind of this 
nature, wherewith in due time I may chance to pleasure the public, 
but not to be added to this volume, but to be a volume of ttself, 
this first volume of the Buccaneers being as full as tt can be 
made. Whatever shall for the future be published by me shall 
be put into another volume. 


Tue present volume, both for its curiosity and ingenuity, I dare 
recommend to the perusal of our English nation, whose glorious 
actions it contains. What relates to the curiosity hereof, this 
piece, both of natural and human history, was no sooner published 
in the Dutch original than it was snatched up for the most curious 
libraries of Holland: it was translated into Spanish (two 
impressions thereof being sent into Spain in one year) ; tt was 
taken notice of by the learned Academy of Paris; and finally 
recommended as worthy of our esteem by the ingenious author of 
the ‘Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious’, printed here at 
London about two years ago. Neither all this undeservedly, 
seeing it enlarges our acquaintance of natural history, so much 
prized and inquired for by the learned of this present age, with 
several observations not easily to be found in other accounts 
already received from America; and, besides, it informs us 
(with huge novelty) of as great and bold attempts in point of 
military conduct and valour as ever were performed by mankind, 
without excepting here either Alexander the Great or Julius 
Cesar or the rest of the Nine Worthies of Fame. Of all which 
actions, as we cannot but confess ourselves to have been ignorant 
hitherto (the very name of ‘ Buccaneers’ being as yet known but 
to few of the ingenious, as their lives, laws, and conversation 
are in a manner unto none), so can they not choose but be admired, 
out of this ingenious Author, by whosoever is curious to learn the 
various revolutions of human affairs. But, more especially by 
our English nation, as unto whom these things more narrowly do 
appertain—we having here more than half the book filled with 

the unparalleled if not inimitable adventures and heroic exploits 

of our own countrymen and relations, whose undaunted and 
exemplary courage, when called upon by our King and Country, 
we ought to emulate. 

From whence it has proceeded that nothing of this kind was 



ever as yet published in England I cannot easily determine, 
except, as some will say, from some secret ‘ Ragion di Stato’. 
Let the reason be as tt will, this is certain, so much the more we 
are obliged to this present author, who, though a stranger to our 
nation, yet with that candour and fidelity has recorded our actions, 
as to render the metal of our true English valour to be the more 
believed and feared abroad than 1f these things had been divulged 
by ourselves at home. From hence peradventure will other 
nations learn that the English people are of their genius more 
inclinable to act than to write ; seeing as well they as we have 
lived unacquainted with these actions of our nation, until such 
time as a foreign author to our country came to tell them. 

Besides the merit of this piece for its curiosity, another point 
of no less esteem is the truth and sincerity wherewith everything 
seems to be penned. No greater ornament or dignity can be 
added to history, either human or natural, than truth. All other 
embellishments, if this be failing, are of little or no esteem; if 
this be delivered, are either needless or superfluous. What 
concerns this requisite in our author, his lines do everywhere 
declare the faithfulness and sincerity of his mind. He writes 
not by hearsay, but was an eye-witness, as he somewhere tells 
you, to all and every one of the bold and hazardous attempts 
which he relates. And these he delivers with such candour of 
style, such ingenuity of mind, such plainness of words, such 
conciseness of periods, so much divested of rhetorical hyperboles 
or the least flourishes of eloquence, so hugely void of passion or 
national reflections, that he strongly persuades all along to the 
credit of what he says—yea, raises the mind of the reader to 
believe these things far greater than what he has said; and, 
having read him, leaves only this scruple or concern behind, that 
you can read him no longer. In a word, such are his deserts 
that some persons peradventure would not stickle to compare him 
to the lather of Historians, Philip de Comines: at least, thus 
much may be said with all truth imaginable, that he resembles 
that great author in many of his excellent qualities. 

I know some persons have objected to the greatness of these 
prodigious adventures, intimating that the resistance our Bucca- 
neers found in America was everywhere but small. For the 
Spaniards, say they, in the West Indies are become of late 
years nothing less, but rather much more, degenerate than in 
Europe, the continual peace they have enjoyed in those parts, 


the defect of military discipline, and European soldiers for their 
commanders, much contributing hereunto. But more especially 
and above all other reasons the very luxury of the soil and riches, 
the extreme heat of those countries and influence of the stars being 
such as totally incline their bodies to an infinite effeminacy and 
cowardice of mind, 

Unto these reasons I shall only answer in brief : This History 
will convince them to be mantfestly false. For, as to the 
continual peace here alleged, we know that no peace could ever be 
established ‘beyond the Line,’ since the first possession of the 
West Indies by the Spaniards till the burning of Panama. At 
that time, or a few months before, Sir William Godolphin by his 
prudent negociation in quality of Ambassador for our most 
Gracious Monarch concluded at Madrid a peace to be observed 
even beyond the Line and through the whole extent of the Spanish 
Dominions in the West Indies. This transaction gave the 
Spaniards new causes of complaint against our proceedings, 
that no sooner a peace had been established for those parts of 
America but our Forces had taken and burnt both Chagre, St 
Catharine, and Panama. But our reply was convincing : 
That, whereas eight or ten months had been allowed by Articles 
for the publishing of the said peace through all the dominions 
of both monarchies in America, those hostilities had been 
committed, not only without orders from his Majesty of England 
but also within the space of the said eight or ten months of time. 
Until that time the Spanish inhabitants of America being, as it 
were, in a perpetual war with Europe, certain it ts that no coasts 
nor kingdoms in the world have been more frequently infested 
or alarmed with the invasions of several nations than theirs. 
Thus, from the very beginning of their conquests in America, 
both English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, Swedes, Danes, Cour- 
landers, and all other nations that navigate the ocean have 
frequented the West Indies, and filled them with their robberies 
and assaults. From these occasions have they been in continual 
watch and ward, and kept their militia in constant exercise, 
as also their garrisons pretty well provided and paid ; as fearing 
every sail they discovered at sea to be pirates of one nation or 
another. But much more espectally, since that Curagoa, 
Tortuga, and Jamaica have been inhabited by English, French, 
and Dutch, and bred up that race of huntsmen than which no 
other ever was more desperate nor more mortal enemies to the 


Spaniards, called Buccaneers. Now shall we say that these 
people, through too long continuation of peace, have utterly 
abolished the exercises of war, having been all along incessantly 
vexed with the tumults and alarms thereof ? 

In like manner is it false to accuse their defect of military 
discipline for want of European commanders. For who knows 
not that all places, both military and civil, through those vast 
dominions of the West Indtes are provided out of Spain? And 
those of the militia most commonly given to expert commanders 
trained up from their infancy in the Wars of Europe, either in 
Africa, Milan, Sicily, Naples, or Flanders, fighting against 
either English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, or Moors? Yea, 
theiy very garrisons, if you search them in those parts, will 
peradventure be found to be stocked three parts to four with 
soldiers both born and bred in the kingdom of Spain. 

From these considerations it may be inferred what little 
difference ought to be allowed betwixt the Spanish soldiers, 
inhabitants of the West Indies, and those of Europe. And how 
little the soil or climate has influenced or caused their courage to 
degenerate towards cowardice or baseness of mind. As tf the 
very same arguments, deduced from the nature of that climate, 
did not equally militate against the valour of our famous 
Buccaneers, and represent this to be of as degenerate metal as 

But nothing can be more clearly evinced than is the valour of 
the American Spaniards, either soldiers or officers, by the sequel 
of this history. What men ever fought more desperately than 
the garrison of Chagre—their number being 314, and of all these 
only 30 remaining ; of which number scarce 10 were unwounded, 
and among them not one officer found alive? Were not 600 
killed upon the spot at Panama, 500 at Gibraltar, almost as many 
more at Puerto del Principe, all dying with their arms in their 
hands and facing bravely the enemy for the defence of their 
country and private concerns ? Did not those of the town of 
San Pedro both fortify themselves, lay several ambuscades, and 
lastly sell their lives as dear as ever any European soldier could 
do, L’Ollonais being forced to gain step by step his advance unto 
the town with huge loss both of blood and men ? Many other in- 
stances might be produced out of this compendious volume of the 
generous resistance the Spaniards made in several places, though 
fortune favoured not their arms. 


Next, as to the personal valour of many of their commanders, 
what man ever behaved himself more briskly than the Governor 
of Gibraltar, than the Governor of Puerto del Principe, both 
dying for the defence of their towns; than Don Alonso del 
Campo, and others? Or what examples can easily parallel 
the desperate courage of the Governor of Chagre, who, though 
the palisades were fired, the terrepleins {ramparts] were sunk 
into the ditch, the breaches were entered, the houses all burnt 
about him, the whole castle taken, his men all killed, yet would 
not admit of any quarter, but chose rather to die under his arms, 
being shot into the brain, than surrender himself as a prisoner 

to the Buccaneers ? What lion ever fought to the last gasp more 

obstinately than the Governor of Porto Bello, who, seeing the 
town entered by surprisal in the night, one chief castle blown 
up into the air, all the other forts and castles taken, his own 
assaulted several ways, both religious men and women placed at 
the front of the enemy to fix the ladders against the walls, yet 
spared not to kill as many of the said religious persons as he 
could ; and at last, the walls being scaled, the castle entered and 
taken, all his own men overcome by fire and sword, who had cast 
down their arms and begged mercy from the enemy, yet would 
admit of none for his own life? Yea, with his own hands killed 
several of his soldiers, to force them to stand to their arms though 
all were lost. Yea, theugh his own wife and daughter begged of 
him upon their knees that he would save his life by craving 
quarter, though the enemy desired of him the same thing, yet 
would hearken to no cries nor persuasions, but they were forced 
to kill him, combating with his arms in his hands, being not 
otherwise able to take him prisoner as they were desirous to do. 
Shall these men be said to be influenced with cowardice, who thus 
acted to the very last scene of theiy own tragedies ? Or shall we 
rather say that they wanted not courage, but fortune ?—it being 
certainly true that he who 1s killed in a battle may be equally 
courageous with him that kills. And that whosoever derogates 
from the valour of the Spaniards in the West Indies diminishes 
in like manner the courage of the Buccaneers, his own countrymen, 
who have seemed to act beyond mortal men in America. 

Now, to say something concerning John Esquemeling, the first 
author of this history. I take him to be a Dutchman, or at least 
born in Flanders, notwithstanding that the Spanish translation 
represents him to be native of the kingdom of France—his printing 


this history originally in Dutch, which doubtless must be his 
native tongue, who otherwise was but an illiterate man, together 
with the very sound of his name, convincing me thereunto. True 
at is, he set sail from France, and was some years at Tortuga, 
but neither of these two arguments, drawn from the history, are 
prevalent. For, were he a Frenchman born, how came he to 
learn the Dutch language so perfectly as to prefer it to his own— 
especially that not being sboken at Tortuga nor Jamaica, where 
he resided all the while ? 

I hope I have made this English translation something more 
plain and correct than the Spanish. Some few notorious faults, 
either of the printer or of the interpreter, I am sure I have 
vedressed. But, the Spanish translator complaining much of 
the intricacy of style in the original (as flowing from a person 
who, as hath been said, was no scholar) as he was pardonable, 
being in great haste, for not rendering his own verston so distinct 
and elaborate as he could desive—so must I be excused from the 
one, that ts to say elegance, if I have cautiously declined the other, 
I mean confusion. 

OT og RY See 


The author sets forth towards the Western Islands, in the service 

of the West India Company of France. They meet with an 
English frigate, and arrive at the island of Tortuga 

“We set sail from Havre de Grace, in France, in a ship called 

St John, the second day of May, in the year 1666. Our vessel 
was equipped with eight-and-twenty guns, 20 mariners, and 
220 passengers, including in this number those whom the 
Company sent as free passengers, as being in their service. 
Soon after we came to an anchor under the Cape of Barfleur, 
there to join seven other ships of the same West India 
Company, which were to come from Dieppe under the convoy 
of a man-of-war, mounted with seven-and-thirty guns and 
250 meny Of these ships two were bound for Senegal, five 
for the Caribbee Islands, and ours for the island of Tortuga. 
In the same place there gathered unto us about twenty sail 
of other ships that were bound for Newfoundland, with some 
Dutch vessels that were going for Nantes, Rochelle, and St 
Martins ; so that in all we made a fleet of thirty sail. Here 
we prepared to fight, putting ourselves into a convenient 
posture of defence, as having notice that four English frigates, 
of three-score guns each, did lie in wait for us about the Isle 
of Ornay. Our admiral, the Chevalier Sourdis, having dis- 



tributed what orders he thought convenient, we set sail from 
thence with a favourable gale of wind. “Presently after, some 
mists arising, these totally impeded the English frigates from 
discovering our fleet at sea. We steered our course as near 
as we could under the coast of France for fear of the enemy. 
As we sailed along, we met a vessel of Ostend, who complained 
to our admiral that a French privateer had robbed him that 
very morning. This complaint being heard, we endeavoured 
to pursue the said pirate ; but our labour was in vain, as not 
being able to overtake him. 

Our fleet, as we went along, caused no small fears and alarms 
to the inhabitants of the coasts of France, these judging us 
to be English and that we sought some convenient place for 
landing. To allay their frights, we used to hang out our 
colours; but, notwithstanding, they would not trust us. 
After this we came to an anchor in the Bay of Conquet, ro 
Brittany, nigh unto the Isle of Ushant, there to take in water. 
Having stored ourselves with fresh provisions at this place, 
we prosecuted our voyage, designing to pass by the Ras of 
Fonteneau and not expose ourselves to the Sorlingues, fearing 
the English vessels that were cruising thereabouts to meet us. 
This river Ras is of a current very strong and rapid, which, 
rolling over many rocks, disgerges itself into the sea on the 
coast of France, in the latitude of eight-and-forty degrees and 
ten minutes. For which reason this passage is very dangerous, 
all the rocks as yet being not thoroughly known. 

4 Here I shall not omit to mention the ceremony which at this 
passage, and some other places, is used by the mariners, and 
by them called ‘ Baptism ’, although it may seem either little 
to our purpose or of no use. The master’s mate clothed him- 
self with a ridiculous sort of garment that reached unto his 
feet, and on his head he put a suitable cap, which was made 
very burlesque. In his right hand he placed a naked wooden 
sword, and in his left a pot full of ink. His face was horribly 
blacked with soot, and his neck adorned with a collar of many 
little pieces of wood. Being thus apparelled, he commanded 
to be called before him every one of them who never had passed 
that dangerous place before. And then, causing them to kneel 
down in his presence, he made the sign of the Cross upon their 
foreheads with ink, and gave each one a stroke on the shoulders 
with his wooden sword. Meanwhile the standers-by did cast 



a bucket of water upon every man’s head ; and this was the 
conclusion of the ceremony, But, that being ended, every 
one of the baptized is obliged to give a bottle of brandy for 
his offering, placing it nigh the main-mast, and without 
speaking a word, even those who have no such liquor being 
not excused from this performance. In case the vessel never 
passed that way before, the Captain is obliged to distribute 
some wine among the mariners and other people in the ship. 
But, as for other gifts which the newly baptized do frequently 
offer, they are divided among the old seamen, and of them 
they make a banquet among themselves. 

The Hollanders likewise do use to baptize such as never 
passed that way before. And not only at the passage above- 
mentioned, but also at the rocks called Berlingues, near the 
coast of Portugal, in the latitude of 39 degrees and 40 minutes, ~ 
as being a passage very dangerous, especially by night, when 
through the obscurity thereof the rocks are not distinguish- 
able, by reason the land is very high, they use some such 
ceremony. But their manner of baptizing is quite distinct 
from that which we have described above as performed by 
the French. He, therefore, that is to be baptized is fastened, 
and hoisted up three times at the main-yard’s end, as if he 
were a criminal. If he be hoisted the fourth time, in the 
name of the Prince of Orange or of the captain of the vessel, 
his honour is more than ordinary. Thus they are dipped, 
every one, several times into the main ocean. But he that is 
the first dipped has the honour of being saluted with a gun. 
Such as are not willing to fall are bound to pay twelve 
pence for their ransom ; if he be an officer in the ship, 
two shillings; and, if a passenger, according to his pleasure. 
In case the ship never passed that way before, the captain 
is bound to give a small runlet of wine, which, if he does not 
perform, the mariners may cut off the stem of the vessel. 
All the profit which accrues by this ceremony is kept by the 
master’s mate, who, after reaching their port, doth usually 
lay it out in wine, which is drunk amongst the ancient seamen. 
Some will say this ceremony was instituted by the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth ; howsoever, it is not found amongst his 
Laws. But here I leave these customs of the sea, and shall 
return to our voyage. 

Having passed the river Ras, we met with very good weather 


until we came to Cape Finisterre. Here a huge tempest of 
wind surprised us, and separated our ship from the rest that 
were in our company. This storm continued for the space of 
eight days, in which time it would move compassion to see 
how miserably the passengers were tumbled to and fro on all 
sides of the ship ; insomuch as the mariners in the performance 
of their duty were compelled to tread upon them everywhere. 
This uncouthsome weather being spent, we had again the 
use of very favourable gales until we came unto the Tropic 
of Cancer. This Tropic is nothing else but an imaginary 
circle which astrologers have invented in the heavens, and 
serves as a period to the progress of the sun towards the North 
Pole. It is placed in the latitude of 23 degrees and 30 minutes 
under the line. Here we were baptized the second time, 
after the same manner as before. The French do always 
perform this ceremony at this Tropic, as also under the Tropic 
of Capricorn, towards the South. In this part of the world 
we had very favourable weather, at which we were infinitely 
gladdened by reason of our great necessity of water. For 
at this time that element was already so scarce with us that 
we were stinted unto two half-pints per man every day. 

Being about the latitude of Barbados, we met an English 
frigate, or privateer, who first began to give us chase ; but, 
finding himself not to exceed us in strength, did presently 
steer away from us. This flight gave us occasion to pursue 
the said frigate, as we did, shooting at him several guns of 
eight-pound carriage. But at length he escaped, and we 
returned to our course. Not long after, we came within sight 
of the isle of Martinique. Our endeavours were bent towards 
the coast of the Isle of St Peter. But these were frustrated 
by reason of a storm which took us hereabouts. Hence we 
resolved to steer to the island of Guadaloupe. Yet neither 
this island could we reach by reason of the said storm, and 
thus we directed our course to the isle of Tortuga, which was 
the very same land we were bound unto. We passed along 
the coast of the isle of Porto Rico, which is extremely deli- 
cious and agreeable to the view, as being adorned with 
beautiful trees and woods, even to the tops of the mountains. 
After this, we discovered the island Hispaniola! (of which I 

} The English corruption of Espaviola [‘‘ Little Spain ’’], the name 
given by Columbus to the island of Haiti, discovered by him in 1492, 



shall give a description in this book), and we coasted about it 
until we came unto the isle of Tortuga, our desired port. 
Here we anchored the seventh day of July in the same year, 
not having lost one man in the whole voyage. We unladed 
the goods that belonged unto the Company of the West Indies, 
and soon after the ship was sent to Cul de Sac with some 


whereon he established the first Spanish colony in the New World. 
Subsequently it was neglected and became the prey of freebooters and 
Buccaneers. In old Latin maps it is called Hispaniae Insula. Next to 
Cuba, it is the largest of the West Indian islands. It was later divided 
politically into the republics of Haiti and Santo Domingo, the latter 
called after the city of that name. 


Description of the island of Tortuga: of the fruits and plants 
there growing ; how the French settled there, at two several 
times, and cast out the Spaniards, first masters thereof. The 
author of this book was twice sold in the said island 

THE island of Tortuga is situated on the North side of the 
famous and great island called Hispaniola [Haiti], nigh unto 
the continent thereof and in the latitude of twenty degrees 
and thirty minutes. Its just extent is threescore leagues 
about. The Spaniards, who gave name to this island, called 
it so from the shape of the land, which in some manner resem- 
bles a great sea-tortoise, called by them ¢oriuga de mar. The 
country is very mountainous and full of rocks, yet, notwith- 
standing, hugely thick of lofty trees that cease not to grow 
upon the hardest of those rocks without partaking of a softer 
soil. Hence it comes that their roots, for the greatest part, 
are seen all over entangled among the rocks, not unlike unto 
the branching of ivy against our walls. That part of this 
island which stretches towards the North is totally disin- 
habited. The reason is, first, because it has proved to be very 
incommodious and unhealthy, and, secondly, for the rugged- 
ness of the coast, that gives no access to the shore, unless 
among rocks almost inaccessible. For this cause it is 
populated only on the Southern part, which has only one 
port that may be esteemed indifferently good. Yet this 
harbour has two several entries, or channels, which afford 
passage unto ships of 70 guns, the port itself being without 
danger and capable of receiving a great number of vessels. 
That part which is inhabited is divided into four other parts, 
of which the first is called the Low-Land, or Low-Country. 
This is the chiefest among the rest, because it contains the 
aforesaid port. The town is called Cayona, and here do live 



OO OE EE =< 


the chief and richest planters of the island. The second 
part is called the Middle Plantation. Its territory, or soil, 
is hitherto almost new, as being only known to be good for 
the culture of tobacco. The third is named Ringot. These 
places are situated towards the Western part of the island, 
The fourth, and last, is called The Mountain, in which place 
were made the first plantations that were cultivated upon 
this island. 

As to the wood that grows on the island, we have already 
said that the trees are exceedingly tall and pleasing to the 
sight ; whence no man will doubt but they may be applied 
unto several uses with great benefit. Such is the Yellow 
Saunder, which tree by the inhabitants of this country is 
called bois de chandelle, or in English Candlewood, because 
it burns like a candle, and serves them with light while they 
use their fishery in the night. Here also grows lignum 
sanctum, by others called guaiacum, the virtues of which are 
very well known, more especially unto them who observe 
not the sixth Commandment and are given to all manner 
of impure copulations, physicians drawing from hence, under 
several compositions, the greatest antidote for all venereal 
diseases, as also for cold and vicious humours. The trees 
likewise that afford gummi elemi grow here in great abundance, 
and in like manner radix Chine, or China root!; yet this is 
not so good as that which comes from other parts of the 
Western world. It is very white and soft, and serves for 
pleasant food unto the wild-boars when they can find nothing 
else. This island also is not deficient in aloes, nor an infinite 
number of other medicinal herbs, which may please the 
curiosity of such as are given to their contemplation. 
Moreover for the building of ships, or any other sort of 
architecture, here are found, in this spot of Neptune, several 
sorts of timber very convenient. The fruits, likewise, which 
here abundantly grow, are nothing inferior, as to their 
quantity or quality, unto what the adjacent islands pro- 
duced. I shall name only some of the most ordinary 
and common. Such are magniot?, potatoes, acajou apples’, 

1 See note 2 on p. 31. 

2 Obsolete form of manioc, the cassava plant (genus Manihot) : cf. 
Brooke’s transl. of Le Blanc’s Travels [1660], p. 399: ‘‘ Mandioc a root 
is their chiefest diet, whereof they make flower [flour].”’ 

_* The cashew-nut tree (anacardium occidentale). Cf. J. Van 
Linschoten, Voyages [1598], Bk. ii, p. 251: ‘‘ There is an other tree in 


yannas!, bacones, paquayes, carosoles, mamayns?, ananas?, 
and diverse other sorts, which, not to be tedious, I omit 
to specify. Here grow likewise in huge number those trees 
called palmettos, or palmites*, whence is drawn a certain 
juice which serves the inhabitants instead of wine, and whose 
leaves do cover their houses instead of tiles. 

In this island abounds also, with daily increase, the wild- 
boar. The Governor has prohibited the hunting of them with 
dogs, fearing lest, the island being but small, the whole race 
of those animals in short time should be destroyed. The 
reason why he thought convenient to preserve those wild- 
beasts was that in case of any invasion of an external enemy 
the inhabitants might sustain themselves with their food, 
especially if they were constrained to retire unto the woods 
and mountains. By this means he judged they were enabled 
to maintain any sudden assault or long persecution. Yet this 
sort of game is almost impeded by itself, by reason of the 
many rocks and precipices, which for the greatest part are 
covered with little shrubs, very green and thick, whence the 
huntsmen have ofttimes precipitated themselves, and left 
us the sad experience and grief of many memorable disasters. 

At a certain time of the year there resort unto this island 
of Tortuga huge flocks of wild-pigeons, at which season 
the inhabitants feed on them very plentifully, having more 
than they can consume, and leaving totally to their repose 
all other sorts of fowl, both wild and tame, to the intent that 
in absence of the pigeons these may supply their place. But 
as nothing in the universe, though never so pleasant, can be 
found but what has something of bitterness joined to it, the 
bignesse like a sorben, the fruit whereof is by them called Aca-iou, of 
forme and greatness like a hennes egge, which being ripe is of a golde 
yellow colour like a quince, very good and savory to eate, having a 
certayne sharpe taste, and in it a juice that cooleth heate.”’ 

1 Yams. Span.viame: other English forms are (1) nname: cf. Men- 
doza, Hist. of China, trans. by Parke [1589], vol. ii, p. 256 of 1854 

edn.: ‘“‘nnames, patatas, fish, rise, ginger, hennes; (2) jamb: cf. 
Bosman, Guinea, transl. 1705: ‘‘ Their common food is a pot full of 
millet . . . or instead of that jambs and potatoes.” 

* Mammees (Mammea americana), a large tree of tropical America, 
bearing a large fruit with a yellow pulp of pleasant taste. 

3 Pine-apples. Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 319: “a 
fruite of great excellencie which they call ananas.’’ According to 
Evelyn’s Diary, 19 July, 1661, ananassa sativa was first seen in England 
in 1657. 

* Spanish palmito, the dwarf fan-palm. 


very symbol of this truth we see in the aforesaid pigeons. 
For these, the season being past wherein God has appointed 
them to afford delicious food unto those people, can scarcely 
be touched with the tongue, they become so extremely lean 
and bitter even to admiration. The reason of this bitterness 
is attributed unto a certain seed which they eat about that 
time, even as bitter as gall. About the sea-shores every- 
where are found great multitudes of crabs belonging both to 
the land and sea, and both sorts very big. These are good to 
feed servants and slaves!, who find them very pleasing to the 
palate, yet withal very hurtful to the sight. Besides which 
symptom, being eaten too often, they also cause great giddi- 
ness in the head, with much weakness of the brain, insomuch 
_ that very frequently they are deprived of sight for the space 
_ of one quarter of an hour. 

The French, having established themselves in the isle of 
St Christopher, planted there a sort of trees, of which at 
present there possibly may be greater quantities. With 
the timber of those trees they made long-boats and hoys?, 
which they sent thence westward, being well manned and 
victualled, to discover other islands. These, setting sail from 
St Christopher, came within sight of the island of Hispaniola, 
where at length they arrived with abundance of joy. Having 
landed, they marched into the country, where they found 
huge quantities of cattle, such as cows, bulls, horses, and wild- 
boars. But finding no great profit in those animals unless 
they could enclose them, and knowing likewise the island to 
be pretty well peopled by the Spaniards, they thought it 
convenient to enterprize upon and seize the island of Tortuga. 
This they performed without any difficulty, there being upon 
the island no more than ten or twelve Spaniards to guard it. 
These few men let the French come in peaceably and _ possess 
the island for the space of six months, without any trouble. 
In the meanwhile they passed and repassed with their canoes 
to Hispaniola, whence they transported many people, and at 
last began to plant the whole isle of Tortuga. The few 

1 Some of the land-crabs of the West Indies are to-day regarded as 

delicacies—especially the violet land-crab. 

2 Dutch heude, heu, a small, yet heavy, coasting-vessel for goods or 

passengers, particularly in short distances at the sea-coast. Cf. Hakluyt, 

oveees, vol. i, p. 160 [1598]: ‘‘ English pinasses, hoyes, and drum- 



Spaniards remaining there, perceiving the French to increase 
their number daily, began at last to repine at their prosperity 
and grudged them the possession they had freely given. 
Hence they gave notice to others of their own nation, their 
neighbours, who sent several great boats, well armed and 
manned, to dispossess the French of that island. This 
expedition succeeded according to their desires. For the 
new possessors, seeing the great number of Spaniards that 
came against them, fled with all they had unto the woods ; 
and hence by night they wafted over with canoes unto the 
isle of Hispaniola. This they more easily performed as having 
no women or children with them, nor any great substance to 
carry away. Here they also retired into the woods, both to 
seek themselves food, and thence with secrecy to give 
intelligence to others of their own faction, as judging for cer- 
tain that within a little while they should be in a capacity 
to hinder the Spaniards from fortifying in Tortuga. 
Meanwhile the Spaniards of the greater island ceased not 
to seek after their new guests, the French, with intent to root 
them out of the woods, if possible, or cause them to perish 
with hunger. But this their design soon failed, having found 
that the French were masters both of good guns, powder, and 
bullets. Here, therefore, the fugitives waited for a certain 
opportunity, wherein they knew the Spaniards were to come 
from Tortuga, with arms and great number of men, to join 
with those of the greater island for their destruction. When 
this occasion proffered, they in the meanwhile deserting the 
woods where they were, returned unto Tortuga, and dis- 
possessed the small number of Spaniards that remained 
at home. Having so done, they fortified themselves as best 
they could, thereby to prevent the return of the Spaniards, 
in case they should attempt it. Moreover, they sent 
immediately unto the Governor of St Christopher, craving 
his aid and relief, and demanding of him to send them a 
Governor, the better to be united among themselves and 
strengthened on all occasions. The Governor of St 
Christopher received their petition with expressions of much 
satisfaction and without any delay sent to them Monsieur le 
Passeur in quality of a Governor, together with a ship full of 
men and all other things necessary both for their establishment 
and defence. No sooner had they received this recruit than 


™ i a el 


the Governor commanded a fortress to be built upon the top 
of a high rock, whence he could hinder the access of any ships 
or other vessels that should design to enter the port. Unto 
this fort no other access could be had than by almost climbing 
through a very narrow passage that was capable only of 
receiving two persons at once, and those not without 
difficulty. In the middle of this rock was a great cavity, 
which now serves for a storehouse ; and, besides, here was 
a great convenience for raising a battery. The fort being 
finished, the Governor commanded two guns to be mounted, 
which could not be performed without huge toil and labour, 
as also a house to be built within the fort ; and, afterwards, 
the narrow way that led unto the said fort to be broken and 
demolished, leaving no other ascent thereto than by a ladder. 
Within the fort gushes out a plentiful fountain of fresh water, 
which perpetually runs with a pure and crystalline stream 
sufficient to refresh a garrison of a thousand men. Being 
possessed of these conveniences, and the security these things 
might promise, the French began to people the island, and 
each of them to seek his living, some by the exercise of 
hunting, others by planting tobacco, and others by cruising 
and robbing upon the coasts of the Spanish islands—which 
trade is continued by them to this day. 

The Spaniards, notwithstanding, could not behold but 
with jealous eyes the daily increase of the French in Tortuga, 
fearing lest in time they might by them be dispossessed also 
of Hispaniola. Thus, taking an opportunity when many of 
the French were abroad at sea and others employed in hunting, 
with 800 men in several canoes, they landed again in Tortuga, 
almost without being perceived by the French. But, finding 
that the “Governor had cut down many trees, for the better 
discovery of an enemy in case of any assault, as also that 
nothing of consequence could be done without great guns, 
they consulted about the fittest place for raising a battery. 
This place was soon concluded to be the top of a mountain 
which was in sight, seeing that thence alone they could level 
their guns at the fort, which now lay open to them since the 
cutting down of the trees by the new possessors. Hence 
they resolved to open a way for carriage of some pieces of 
ordnance to the top. This mountain is somewhat high, and 
the upper part thereof plain, from whence the whole island 


may be viewed. The sides thereof are very rugged by 
reason of an huge number of inaccessible rocks surrounding it 
everywhere ; so that the ascent was very difficult, and would 
always have been the same, had not the Spaniards undergone 
the immense labour and toil of making the way aforemen- 
tioned, as I shall now relate. 

The Spaniards had in their company many slaves and 
Indians, labouring men, whom they call mazates, or, in English, 
half-yellow men. Unto these they gave orders with iron 
tools to dig a way through the rocks. This they performed 
with the greatest speed imaginable. And through this way 
by the help of many ropes and pulleys, they at last made shift 
to get up two sole cannon-pieces, wherewith they made a 
battery, and intended next day to batter the fort. Mean- 
while the French were not ignorant of these designs, but 
rather prepared themselves for a defence (while the Spaniards 
were busied about the battery), sending notice everywhere to 
their companions and requiring their help. Thus the hunters 
of the island all joined together, and with them all the pirates 
who were not already too far from home. These landed by 
night at Tortuga, lest they should be seen by the Spaniards. 
And, under the same obscurity of the night, they all together 
by a back way climbed up the mountain where the Spaniards 
were posted ; which they more easily could perform as being 
acquainted with those rocks. They came thither at the very 
instant that the Spaniards, who were above, were preparing 
to shoot at the fort, not knowing in the least of their coming. | 
Here they set upon them, at their backs, with such fury as 
forced the greatest part to precipitate themselves from the 
top to the bottom, and dash their bodies in pieces. Few or 
none escaped this attack, for if any remained alive they were 
all put to the sword, without giving quarter to the meanest. 
Some Spaniards did still keep the bottom of the mountain, 
but, hearing the shrieks and cries of them that were killed and 
believing some tragical revolution to be above, fled immediately 
towards the sea, despairing, through this accident, to ever 
regain the isle of Tortuga. 

¢“ The Governors of this island did always behave themselves 
as proprietors and absolute lords thereof until the year 1664 ; 
at which time the West India Company of France took 
possession thereof, and sent thither for their Governor 

Fe ein.” raw, 


Monsieur Ogeron. These planted the colony for themselves, 
by the means of their factors and servants, thinking to drive 
some considerable trade thence with the Spaniards, even as 
the Hollanders do from Curagoa. But this design did not 
answer their expectation. For with other nations they could 
drive no trade, by reason they could not establish any secure 
commerce from the beginning with their own. Forasmuch 
as at the first institution of this Company in France, they 
made an agreement with the pirates, hunters, and planters, 
first possessors of Tortuga, that these should buy all their 
necessaries from the said Company, taking them upon trust. 
And, although this agreement was put in execution, yet the 
factors of the Company soon after found that they could not 
recover either moneys or returns from those people. 
Insomuch as they were constrained to bring some armed 
men into the island, in behalf of the Company, for to get in 
some of their payments. But neither this endeavour nor 
any other could prevail towards settling the secure trade with 
those of the island. And hereupon the Company recalled 
their factors, giving them orders to sell all that was their own 
in the said plantation, both the servants belonging to the 
Company (which were sold, some for 20, others for 30, pieces- 
of-eight)!, as also all other merchandizes and properties which 
they had there. With this resolution all their designs fell to 
the ground. 

In this occasion I was also sold, as being a servant under the 
said Company, in whose service I came out of France.y But 
my fortune was very bad, for I fell into the hands of the most 
cruel tyrant and perfidious man that ever was born of woman, 
who was then Governor, or rather Lieutenant-General, of that 
island. This man treated me with all the hard usages 
imaginable, yea, with that of hunger, with which I thought to 
have perished inevitably. Withal he was willing to let me 
buy my freedom and liberty, but not under the rate of 
300 pieces-of-eight, I not being master of one, at that 
time, in the whole world. At last through the manifold 
miseries I endured, as also affliction of mind, I was thrown 
into a dangerous fit of sickness. This misfortune, being 
added to the rest of my calamities, was the cause of my 
happiness. For my wicked master, seeing my condition, 
began to fear lest he should lose his moneys with my life. 

"1 See note on p. 60. 


Hereupon he sold me the second time to a surgeon for the 
price of 70 pieces-of-eight. Being in the hands of this second 
master, I began soon after to recover my health through the 
good usage I had received from him, as being much more 
humane and civil than that of my first patron. He gave me 
both clothes and very good food, and after that I had served 
him but one year he offered me my liberty, with only this 
condition, that I should pay him 100 pieces-of-eight when I 
was in a capacity of wealth so to do.. Which kind proposal 
of his I could not choose but accept with infinite joy and 
gratitude of mind. 

Being now at liberty, though like unto Adam when he was 
first created by the hands of his Maker—that is, naked and 
destitute of all human necessaries, nor knowing how to get 
my living—I determined to enter into the wicked order of the 
Pirates, or Robbers at Sea. Into this Society I was received 
with common consent both of the superior and vulgar sort, 
and among them I continued until the year 1672. Having 
assisted them in all their designs and attempts, and served 
them in many notable exploits, of which hereafter I shall give 
the reader a true account, I returned to my own native country. 
But, before I begin to relate the things above-mentioned, I 
shall say something, for the satisfaction of such as are curious, 
of the island Hispaniola, which lies towards the Western parts 
of America, as also give my reader a brief description thereof, 
according to my slender ability and experience. 


Description of the great and famous island of Hispaniola 

THE very large and rich island called Hispaniola lies situate 
in the latitude of seventeen degrees and a half. The greatest 
part thereof extends, from East to West, 20 degrees Southern 
latitude. The circumference is 300 leagues, the length 120, its 
breadth almost 50, being more or less broad or narrow at 
certain places. I shall not need here to insert how this island 
was at first discovered, it being known unto the world that it 
was performed by the means of Christopher Columbus, in the 
year 1492, being sent for this purpose by Ferdinand the 
Catholic, then King of Spain. From which time, to this 
present, the Spaniards have been continually possessors 
thereof. There are upon this island many very good and 



strong cities, towns, and hamlets ; as also it abounds in a great 
number of pleasant and delicious country-houses and planta- 
tions—all which are owing unto the care and industry of the 
Spaniards, its inhabitants. 

The chief city and metropolis of this island is called San 
Domingo, being dedicated to St Dominic, from whom it 
derives this name. It is situated towards the South, in a 
place which affords a most excellent prospect, the country 
round about being embellished with innumerable rich 
plantations, as also verdant meadows and fruitful gardens— 
all which do produce plenty and variety of excellent and 
pleasant fruits, according to the nature of those countries. 
The Governor of the island makes his residence in this city, 
which is, as it were, the storehouse of all the other cities, towns, 
and villages, which hence export and provide themselves with 
all necessaries whatsoever for human life. And yet has it 
this particularity above many other cities in other places, that 
it entertains no external commerce with any other nation 
than its own, the Spaniards. The greatest part of the inhabi- 
tants are rich and substantial merchants, or such as are shop- 
keepers and do sell by retail. 

Another city of this island is named Santiago, or, in English, 
St James, as being consecrated to the Apostle of that name. 
This is an open place, without either walls or castle, situate 
in the latitude of 19 degrees South. The greatest part of the 
inhabitants are hunters and planters, the adjacent territory 
and soil being very proper for the said exercises of its constitu- 
tion. The city is surrounded with large and delicious fields, 
as much pleasing to the view as those of San Domingo ; and 
these abound with all sorts of beasts, both wild and tame, 
whence are taken a huge number of skins and hides, that 
afford unto the owners a very considerable traffic. 

Towards the Southern parts of this island is seen another 
city called Nuestra Sefiora del Alta Gracia. The territory 
hereof produces great quantities of cacao, which occasions 
the inhabitants to make great store of the richest sort of 
chocolate. Here grows also much ginger and tobacco; and 
much tallow is prepared of the beasts which hereabouts are 

} The inhabitants of this beautiful island of Hispaniola often 
go and come in their canoes to the Isle of Savona, not far 


distant thence, where is their chief fishery, expecially of 
tortoises. Hither those fish constantly resort in huge 
multitudes at certain seasons of the year, there to lay their 
eggs, burying them in the sands of the shore. Thus by the 
heat of the sun, which in those parts is very ardent, they are 
hatched, and continue the propagation of their species. 
This island of Savona has little or nothing that is worthy 
consideration or may merit any particular description, as 
being so extremely barren by reason of its sandy soil. True 
it is that here grows some small quantity of lignum’ sanctum 
or guaiacum, of whose use we have said something in another 

Westwards of the city of San Domingo is also situated 
another great village, called by the name of El Pueblo del Aso, 
or the Town of Aso. The inhabitants of this town drive a 
great commerce and traffic with those of another village, 
which is placed in the very middle of the island and is called 
San Juan de Goave, or St John of Goave. This place is 
environed with a magnificent prospect of gardens, woods, and 
meadows. Its territory extends above twenty leagues in 
length, and grazes an huge number of wild bulls and cows. 
In this village scarce dwell any others than hunters and 
butchers, who flay the beasts that are killed. These are for 
the most part a mongrel sort of people of several bloods ; 
some of which are born of white European people and negroes, 
and these are called mulattos. Others are born of Indians 
and white people, and such are termed mestizos!. But others 
are begotten of negroes and Indians, and these also have their 
peculiar name, being called alcatraces*. Besides which sorts 
of people, there are several other species and races, both here 
and in other places of the West Indies, of whom this account 
may be given, that the Spaniards love better the negro women, 
in those Western parts, or the tawny Indian females, than their 
own white European race, when as peradventure the negroes 

1 Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 482: ‘‘ Paul Horsewell is 
married to a Mestisa, as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards, 
and their mothers Indians.”’ 

2 A nickname. ‘ The alcatrace is a sea-fowle different to all that I 
have seen, either on the land or in the see. His head is like to the head 
of a gull, but his bill like unto a snytes bill, somewhat shorter and in all 
places alike. . . . He is all blacke of the colour of a crow.’’—Hawkins, 

Voyage into the South Sea [1593-1622], § xix (p. 153 of the 1878 edition). 


and Indians have greater inclinations to the white women, or 
those that come near them, the tawny, than theirown. From 
the said village are exported yearly vast quantities of tallow 
and hides, they exercising no other traffic nor toil. For, as 
to the lands in this place, they are not cultivated, by reason of 
the excessive dryness of the soil. / These are the chiefest places 
that the Spaniards possess in this island, from the Cape of 
Lobos towards St John de Goave unto the Cape of Samana, 
nigh the sea, on the North side, and from the Eastern part 
- towards the sea, called Punta d’Espada. All the rest of the 
island is possessed by the French, who are also planters and 

This island has very good ports for ships, from the Cape of 
Lobos to the Cape of Tiburon, which lies on the Western side 
thereof. In this space of land there are no less than four ports, 
which exceed in goodness, largeness, and security even the 
very best of England. Besides these, from the Cape of 
Tiburon unto the Cape of Donna Maria, there are two very 
excellent ports, and from this Cape to the Cape of St 
Nicholas there are no less than twelve others. Every one of 
these ports has also the confluence of two or three good rivers, 
in which are found several sorts of fish, very pleasing to the 
palate and also in great plenty. The country hereabouts is 
su ficiently watered with large and profound rivers and brooks 
so that this part of the land may easily be cultivated without 
any great fear of droughts, it being certain that better streams 
are not to be found in any part of the world. The sea-coasts 
and shores are also very pleasant, unto which the tortoises 
resort in huge numbers, there to lay their eggs. 

This island was formerly very well peopled on the North 
side thereof with many towns and villages ; but these, being 
ruined by the Hollanders, were at last for the greatest part 
deserted by the Spaniards. 

a Ly 

Of the Fruits, Trees, and Animals that are found at Hispaniola 

THE spacious fields of this island do commonly extend them- 
s2lves to the length of five or six leagues, the beauty whereof 
is so pleasing to the eye that, together with the great variety 
of their natural productions, they infinitely applaud and 
captivate the senses of the contemplator. For here at once 
they not only, with diversity of objects, recreate the sight, 
but, with many of the same, also do please the smell, and, with 
most, contribute abundance of delights to the taste. With 
sundry diversities also they flatter and excite the appetite ; 
but more especially with the multitude of oranges and lemons, 
here growing both sweet and sour, and those that participate 
of both tastes and are only pleasantly tart. Besides which, 
here abundantly grow several other sorts of the same fruit, 
such as are called citrons, toronjas, and limes, in English not 
improperly called crab-lemons. True it is that, as to the 
lemons, they exceed not here the bigness of a hen’s egg, 
which smallness distinguishes them from those of Spain most 
frequently used in these our Northern countries. The date- 
trees, which here are seen to cover the whole extent of very 
spacious plains, are exceedingly tall in their proportion, which 
notwithstanding does not offend but rather delight the view. 
Their height is observed to be from 150 to 200 feet, being 
wholly destitute of branches unto the very tops. Here it is 
there grows a certain pleasant white substance not unlike 
unto that of white cabbage, whence the branches and leaves do 
sprout, and in which also the seed or dates are contained. 
Every month one of those branches falls to the ground, and 
at the same time another sprouts out. But the seed ripens 
not but once in the year. The dates are food extremely 
coveted by the hedgehogs. The white substance growing 



at the top of the tree is used by the Spaniards after the same 
manner for common sustenance as cabbage in Europe, they 
cutting it into slices, and boiling it in their ol/as!, with all sorts 
of meat. The leaves of this sort of date-tree are seven or 
eight foot in length and three or four in breadth, being very 
fit to cover houses with. For they defend from rain equally 
with the best tiles, though never so rudely huddled together. 
They make use of them also to wrap up smoked flesh with, 
and to make a certain sort of buckets wherewith to carry 
water, though no longer durable than the space of six, seven, 
or eight days. The cabbages of these trees, for so we may 
call them, are of a greenish colour on the outside, though 
inwardly very white, whence may be separated a sort of rind, 
which is very like unto parchment, being fit to write upon as 
we do upon paper. The bodies of these trees are of an huge 
bulk or thickness, which two men can hardly compass with their 
arms. And yet they cannot properly be termed woody, but 
only three or four inches deep in thickness, all the rest of the 
internal part being very soft, insomuch that, paring off those 
three or four inches of woody substance, the remaining part of 
the body may be sliced like new cheese. They wound them three 
or four foot above the root, and, making an incision or broach 
in the body, thence gently distils a sort of liquor, which in 
short time by fermentation becomes as strong as the richest 
wine, and which does easily inebriate if not used with modera- 
tion. The French call this sort of palm-trees ‘ frank-palms,’ 
and they only grow, both here and elsewhere, in saltish 

Besides these palm-trees of which we have made mention, 
there are also in Hispaniola four other species of palms, which 
are distinguished by the names of latanier, palma espinosa or 
prickle-palm, palma dé chapelet or rosary-palm, palma vinosa 
or wine-palm. The latanier-palm is not so tall as the wine- 
palm, although it has almost the same shape, only that the 
leaves are very like unto the fans our women use. They grow 
mostly in gravelly and sandy ground, their circumference being 
of seven foot more or less. The body has many prickles or 

1 A Spanish word, meaning a round earthen pot, a dish compounded 
of various kinds of meat and vegetables. Cf. Howell, Letters [1630], V, 
38: ‘‘ Hecan marinat [marinade = pickle] fish, make gellies . . . besides, 
he is passing good for an ollia.”’ 


thorns of the length of half a foot, very sharp and pungent. 
It produces its seed after the same manner as that above- 
mentioned, which likewise serves for food unto the wild beasts. 

Another sort of these palm-trees is called prickle-palm, 
as we said before, by reason it is infinitely full of prickles, 
from the root to the very leaves thereof, much more than the 
precedent. With these prickles some of the barbarous 
Indians use to torment their prisoners of war whom they take 
in battle. They tie them to a tree, and then, taking these 
thorns, they put them into little pellets of cotton, which they 
dip in oil, and thus stick them in the sides of the miserable 
prisoners, as thick as the bristles of a hedgehog; which 
of necessity cause an incredible torment to the patient. 
Afterwards they set them on fire, and, if the tormented 
prisoner sings in the midst of his torments and flames, he is 
esteemed as a valiant and courageous soldier who neither fears 
his enemies nor their torments. But if, on the contrary he 
cries out, they esteem him but as a poltroon or coward and 
unworthy of any memory. This custom was told me by an 
Indian, who said he had used his enemies thus oftentimes. 
The like cruelties to these many Christians have seen while 
they lived among those barbarians. But returning unto the 
prickle-palm, I shall only tell you that this palm-tree is in 
this only different from the latanier, that the leaves are like 
unto those of the frank-palm. Its seed is like unto that of 
the other palm-trees, being only much bigger and rounder, 
almost as a farthing, and inwardly full of little kernels, which 
are as pleasing to the taste as our walnuts in Europe. This 
tree grows for the most part in the marshes and low grounds 
of the sea-coast. 

The wine-palm is so called from the abundance of wine 
which is gathered from it. This palm grows in high and rocky 
mountains, not exceeding in tallness the height of 40 or 50 
foot, but yet of an extraordinary shape or form. For, from 
the root unto the half of its proportion, it is only three or four 
inches thick. But, upwards, something above the two-thirds 
of its height, it is as big and as thick as an ordinary bucket or 
milk-pail. Within, it is full of a certain matter very like unto 
the tender stalk of a white cabbage, which is very juicy of a 
liquor that is much pleasing to the palate. This liquor after 
fermentation and settling of the grounds reduces itself into 


a very good and clear wine, which is purchased! with no great 
industry. For, having wounded the tree with an ordinary 
hatchet, they make a square incision or orifice in it, through 
which they bruise the said matter until it be capable of being 
squeezed out, or expressed with the hands, they needing no 
other instrument than this. With the leaves they make 
certain vessels, not only to settle and purify the afore- 
mentioned liquor, but also to drink in. It bears its fruit like 
other palms, but of a very small shape, being not unlike 
cherries. The taste hereof is very good, but of dangerous 
consequence unto the throat, where it causes huge and extreme 
pains, that produce malignant quinsies in them that eat it. 

The palma a chapelet, or rosary-palm, was thus called both 
by the French and Spaniards because its seed is very fit to 
make rosaries or beads to say prayers upon, the beads being 
small, hard, and capable of being easily bored for that use. 
This fourth species grows on the tops of the highest mountains, 
and is of an excessive tallness, but withal very straight and 
adorned with very few leaves. 

Here grows also in this island a certain sort of apricot-trees, 
whose fruit equals in bigness that of our ordinary melons. 
The colour is like unto ashes, and the taste the very same as 
that of our apricots in Europe, the inward stones of this fruit 
being of the bigness of a hen’s egg. On these the wild-boars 
feed very deliciously, and fatten even to admiration. 

The trees called caremites are very like unto our pear-trees, 
whose fruits resemble much our Damascene plums or 
pruants? of Europe, being of a very pleasant and agreeable 
taste and almost as sweet as milk. This fruit is black on the 
inside, and the kernels thereof, sometimes only two in number, 
sometimes three, others five, of the bigness of a lupin. This 
plum affords no less pleasant food to the wild-boars than the 
apricots above-mentioned, only that it is not so commonly to 
be found upon the island, nor in such quantity as those are. 

The genipa-trees are seen everywhere all over this island, 
being very like unto our cherry-trees, although its branches 
are more dilated. The fruit hereof is of an ash-colour, of 
the bigness of two fists, which interiorly is full of many 

1 See note on p. 67. 

2 Prunes: cf. Elyot, Castel of Helthe [1533], Bk. ii, p. 27: ‘‘ The 
damask prune rather bindeth than lowseth, and is more commodious 
vnto the stomake.”’ 

Oe ae ot . 
te es 


prickles or points that are involved under a thin membrane 
or skin, the which, if not taken away at the time of eating, 
causes great obstructions and gripings of the belly. Before 
this fruit grows ripe, if pressed, it affords a juice as black as 
ink, being fit to write withal upon paper. But the letters 
disappear within the space of nine days, the paper remaining 
as white as if it never had been written upon. The wood of 
this tree is very strong, solid, and hard, good to build ships 
withal, seeing it is observed to last many years in the water 
without putrefaction. 

Besides these, divers other sorts of trees are natives of this 
delicious island, that produce very excellent and pleasant 
fruits. Of these I shall omit to name several, knowing there 
are entire volumes of learned authors that have both described 
and searched them with greater attention and curiosity than 
my own. Notwithstanding, I shall continue to make mention 
of some few more in particular. Such are the cedars, which 
trees this part of the world produces in prodigious quantity. 
The French nation calls them acajou! ; and they find them 
very useful for the building of ships and canoes. These 
canoes are like little wherry-boats, being made of one tree 
only, excavated, and fitted for the sea. They are withal so 
swift as for that very property they may be called ‘ Neptune’s 
post-horses!. The Indians make these canoes without the 
use of any iron instruments, by only burning the trees at the 
bottom nigh the root, and afterwards governing the fire with 
such industry as nothing is burnt more than what they would 
have. Some of them have hatchets made of flint, wherewith 
they scrape, or pare off, whatsoever was burnt too far. And 
thus, by the sole instrument of fire, they know how to give 
them that shape which renders them capable of navigating 
threescore or fourscore leagues with ordinary security. 

As to medicinal productions, here is to be found the tree 
that affords the gum elemi used in our apothecaries’ shops. 
Likewise guaiacum, or lignum sanctum ; lignum aloes, or aloe- 
wood ; cassia lignea ,; China-roots?; with several others. The 

1 The French acajou is mahogany—loosely used here for cedar. 

* The name of the tuber of various species of smilax, allied to 
sarsaparilla, at one time used to relieve gout and to purify the blood. 
Cf. ‘‘ The tree likewise that affords Gummi Elemi grows here in great 
abundance ; as doth Radix China, or China-root.’’—Description of the 
Isthmus of Darien [1699], p. 4. 


tree called mapou, besides that it is medicinal, is also used for 
making of canoes, as being very thick ; yet is it much inferior 
to the acajou or cedar, as being somewhat spongy, whereby it 
sucks in much water, which renders it dangerous in navigation. 
The tree called acoma has its wood very hard and heavy, of 
the colour of palm. These qualities render it very fit to make 
oars for the sugar-mills. Here are also in great quantities 
brasilete, or brazil-wood, and that which the Spaniards call 

Brazil-wood is now very well known in the provinces of 
Holland and the Low Countries. By another name it is called 
by the Spaniards lenna de peje palo. It serves only, or chiefly, 
for dyeing and what belongs to that trade. It grows abun- 
dantly along the sea-coasts of this island, especially in two 
places called Jacmel and Jaquina. These are two com- 
modious ports or bays, capable of receiving ships of the 
greatest bulk. 

The tree called mancanilla, or dwarf apple-tree, grows 
nigh unto the sea-shore, being naturally so low that its 
branches, though never so short, always touch the water. 
It bears a fruit something like unto our sweet-scented apples 
which, notwithstanding, is of a very venomous quality. For, 
these apples being eaten by any person, he instantly changes 
colour, and such an huge thirst seizes him as all the water of 
the Thames cannot extinguish, he dying raving mad within a 
little while after. But, what is more, the fish that eat, as it 
often happens, of this fruit are also poisonous. This tree 
affords also a liquor, both thick and white, like unto the fig-tree, 
which, if touched by the hand, raises blisters upon the skin, 
and these are so red in colour as if it had been deeply scalded 
with hot water. One day being hugely tormented with 
mosquitos, or gnats, and as yet unacquainted with the nature 
of this tree, I cut a branch thereof, to serve me instead of a 
fan, but all my face swelled the next day and filled with 
blisters, as if it were burnt to such a degree that I was blind 
for three days. 

Ycao is the name of another sort of tree, so called by the 
Spaniards, which grows by the sides of rivers. This bears 
a certain fruit, not unlike unto our bullace or damson-plums. 
And this food is extremely coveted by the wild-boar, when at 
its perfect maturity ; with which they fatten as much as our 


__ hogs with the sweetest acorns of Spain. These trees love 

_ sandy ground, yet are so low that, their branches being very 
large, they take up a great circumference, almost couched 
upon the ground. The trees named abelcoses bear fruit of 
like colour with the ycaos above-mentioned, but of the bigness 
__ of melons, the seeds or kernels being as big as eggs. The 
_ substance of this fruit is yellow, and of a pleasant taste ; 
__ which the poorest among the French do eat instead of bread, 
the wild-boar not caring at all for this fruit. These trees 
grow very tall and thick, being somewhat like unto our 
largest sort of pear-trees. 

As to the insects which this island produces, I shall only 
take notice of three sorts of flies, which excessively torment 

all human bodies, but more especially such as never before, 

or but a little while, were acquainted with these countries. 
The first sort of these flies is as big as our common horse-flies 
in Europe. And these, darting themselves upon men’s bodies, 
there stick and suck their blood till they can no longer fly. 
Their importunity obliges to make almost continual use of 

__ branches of trees wherewith to fan them away. The Spaniards 

in those parts call them mosquitos! or gnats, but the French 
give them the name of maranguines. The second sort of these 
insects is no bigger than a grain of sand. These make no 
__ buzzing noise, as the preceding species does, for which reason it 
is less avoidable, as being able also through its smallness to 
penetrate the finest linen or cloth. The hunters are forced to 
anoint their faces with hog’s-grease, thereby to defend them- 
selves from the stings of these little animals. By night, in 
their huts or cottages, they constantly for the same purpose 
burn the leaves of tobacco, without which smoke they were not 
able to rest. True it is that in the daytime they are not very 
troublesome, in case any wind be stirring, for this, though 
never so little, causes them to dissipate. The gnats of the 
third species exceed not the bigness of a grain of mustard. 
The colour is red*. These sting not at all, but do bite so 
sharply upon the flesh as to create little ulcers therein. 
_ Whence it often comes that the face swells and is rendered 
hideous to the view, through this inconvenience. These are 

1 Bosman, in his Guinea [transl. 1705], refers to ‘‘ the innumerable 

_ millions of gnats, which the Portuguese call musquito’s '’—Letter xxi. 

* The béte rouge, to this day a pest in the West Indies. 


chiefly troublesome by day, even from the beginning of the 
morning until sun-setting, after which time they take up 
their rest, and permit human bodies to do the same. The 
Spaniards gave these insects the name of vojados, and the 
French that of calarodes. 

The insects which the Spaniards call cochinillas, and the 
English glow-worms, are also to be found in these parts. 
These are very like unto such as we have in Europe, unless 
that they are somewhat bigger and longer than ours. They 
have two little specks on their heads, which by night give so 
much light that three or four of those animals, being together 
upon a tree, it is not discernible at a distance from a bright 
shining fire. I had on a certain time at once three of these 
cochinillas in my cottage, which there continued until past 
midnight, shining so brightly that without any other light I 
could easily read in any book, although of never so small a 
print. I attempted to bring some of these insects into Europe 
when I came from those parts, but as soon as they came into 
a colder climate they died by the way. They lost also their 
shining upon the change of air, even before their death. 
This shining is so great, according to what I have related, that 
the Spaniards with great reason may well call them from their 
luminous quality moscas de fuego, that is to say fire-flies. 

There be also in Hispaniola an excessive number of grzllones 
or crickets. These are of an extraordinary magnitude, if 
compared to ours, and so full of noise that they are ready to 
burst themselves with singing, if any person comes near them. 
Here is no lesser number of reptiles, such as serpents are and 
others, but by a particular providence of the Creator these 
have no poison. Neither do they any other harm than unto 
what fowl they can catch, but more especially unto pullets, 
pigeons, and others of this kind. Ofttimes these serpents or 
snakes are useful in houses to cleanse them of rats and mice. 
For with great cunning they counterfeit their shrieks, and 
hereby both deceive and catch them at their pleasure. Hav- 
ing taken them, they in no wise eat the guts of these vermin, 
but only suck their blood at first. Afterwards throwing away 
the guts, they swallow almost entire the rest of the body, 
which, as it should seem, they readily digest into soft excre- 
ments, of which they discharge their bellies. Another sort of 
reptiles belonging to this island is called by the name of 


ca¢adores de moscas, or fly-catchers. This name was given unto 
this reptile by the Spaniards, by reason they never could 
experience it lived upon any other food than flies. Hence it 
cannot be said this creature causes any harm unto the inhabit- 
ants, but rather benefit, seeing it consumes by its continual 
exercise of hunting the vexatious and troublesome flies. 
Land-tortoises here be also in great quantities. They 
__ mostly breed in mud and fields that are overflown with water. 
_ The inhabitants eat them, and testify they are very good food. 
___ Buta sort of spider which is here found is very hideous. These 
are as big as an ordinary egg, and their feet as long as those of 
the biggest sea-crabs. Withal, they are very hairy, and have 
four black teeth, like unto those of a rabbit, both in bigness 

and shape. Notwithstanding, their bitings are not venomous, 

_ although they can bite very sharply, and do use it very com- 
_ monly. They breed for the most part in the roofs of houses. 
_ This island also is not free from the insect called in Latin 
millepes, and in Greek scolopendria, or ‘ many-feet’: neither 
is it void of scorpions. Yet, by the providence of nature, 
neither the one nor the other bears the least suspicion of 

~ poison. For, although they cease not to bite, yet their 

wounds require not the application of any medicament for 
their cure. And, although their bitings cause some inflam- 
mation and swelling at the beginning, however these symptoms 
_ disappear of their own accord. Thus in the whole circum- 
__. ference of Hispaniola, no animal is found that produces the 
least harm with its venom. 

After the insects above-mentioned, I shall not omit to say 
something of that terrible beast called cayman. This is a 
certain species of crocodile, wherewith this island very plenti- 
fully abounds. Among these caymans some are found to be 
of a corpulency very horrible to the sight. Certain it is, that 
such have been seen as had no less than three-score-and-ten 
foot in length and twelve in breadth. Yet more marvellous 
than their bulk is their cunning and subtlety wherewith they 
purchase their food. Being hungry, they place themselves 
nigh the sides of rivers, more especially at the fords, where 
cattle come to drink or wade over. Here they lie without any 
motion, nor stirring any part of their body, resembling an old 
tree fallen into the river, only floating upon the waters, whither 
these will carry them. Yet they recede not far from the bank- 


sides, but continually lurk in the same place, waiting till some 
wild-boar or salvage cow comes to drink or refresh themselves 
at that place. At which point of time, with huge activity, 
they assault them, and seizing on them with no less fierceness, 
they drag the prey into the water and there stifle it. But 
what is more worthy admiration is, that three or four days 
before the caymans go upon this design, they eat nothing at all. 
But, diving into the river, they swallow one or two hundred- 
weight of stones, such as they can find. With these they 
render themselves more heavy than before, and make addition 
to their natural strength (which in this animal is very great), 
thereby to render their assault the more terrible and secure. 
The prey being thus stifled, they suffer it to lie four or five 
days underwater untouched ; for they could not eat the least 
bit thereof, unless half-rotten. But, when it is arrived at such 
a degree of putrefaction as is most pleasing to their palate, 
they devour it with great appetite and voracity. Ifthey can lay 
hold on any hides of beasts, such as the inhabitants ofttimes 
place in the fields for drying against the sun, they drag them 
into the water. Here they leave them for some days, well 
loaden with stones, till the hair falls off. Then they eat them 
with no less appetite than they would the animals themselves, 
could they catch them. I have seen myself, many times, like 
things unto these I have related. But, besides my own 
experience, many writers of natural things have made entire 
treatises of these animals, describing not only their shape, 
magnitude, and other qualities, but also their voracity and 
brutish inclinations; which, as I have told you, are very 
strange. A certain person of good reputation and credit told 
me that one day he was by the river-side washing his baraca, 
or tent, wherein he used to lie in the fields. As soon as he 
began his work, a cayman fastened upon the tent, and with 
incredible fury dragged it under water. The man, desirous 
to see if he could save his tent, pulled on the contrary side with 
all his strength, having in his mouth a butcher’s knife (where- 
with as it happened he was scraping the canvas) to defend 
himself in case of urgent necessity. The cayman, being angry 
at this opposition, vaulted upon his body, out of the river, 
and drew him with great celerity into the water, endeavouring 
with the weight of his bulk to stifle him under the banks. Thus 
finding himself in the greatest extremity, almost crushed to 

Fig a NEY CT we ae 

‘Tae a 



death by that huge and formidable animal, with his knife he 
gave the cayman several wounds in the belly, wherewith he 
suddenly expired. Being thus delivered from the hands of 
imminent fate, he drew the cayman out of the water, and 
with the same knife opened the body, to satisfy his own 
curiosity. In his stomach he found nearly one hundred- 
weight of stones, each of them being almost of the bigness 
of his fist. 

The caymans are ordinarily busied in hunting and catching 
of flies, which they eagerly devour. The occasion is, because 
close unto their skin they have certain little scales which smell 
with a sweet scent, something like unto musk. This aromatic 
odour is coveted by the flies, and here they come to repose 
themselves and sting. Thus they both persecute each other 
continually, with an incredible hatred and antipathy. Their 
manner of procreating and hatching their young ones is as 
follows. They approach the sandy banks of some river that 
lies exposed to the rays of the south sun. Among these sands 
they lay their eggs, which afterwards they cover with their 
feet ; and here they find them hatched, and with young genera- 
tion, by only the heat of the sun. These, as soon as they are 
out of the shell, by natural instinct run unto the water. | 
Many times those eggs are destroyed by birds that find them 
out, as they scrape among the sands. Hereupon the females 
of the caymans, at such times as they fear the coming of any 
flocks of birds, do ofttimes by night swallow these their eggs, 
and keep them in their stomach till the danger is over. And, 
from time to time, they bury them again in the sand, as I have 
told you, bringing them forth again out of their belly till the 
season is come of being excluded the shell. At this time, if 
the mother be nigh at hand, they run unto her and play with 
her as little whelps would do with their dams, sporting them- 
selves according to their own custom. In this sort of sport 
they will oftentimes run in and out of their mother’s belly, 
even as rabbits into their holes. This I have seen them do 
many times, as I have spied them at play with their dam over 
the water upon the contrary banks of some river. At which 
time I have often disturbed their sport by throwing a stone 
that way, causing them on a sudden to creep into the mother’s 
bowels, for fear of some imminent danger. The manner of 
procreating of those animals is always the same as I have re- 


lated, and at the same time of the year, for they neither meddle 
nor mate with one another but in the month of May. They 
give them in this country the name of crocodiles, though in 
other places of the West Indies they go under the name of 


Of all sorts of quadruped animals and birds that are found in 
this island. As also a relation of the French Buccaneers 

BesipEs the fruits which this island produces, whose plenty, 
as is held for certain, surpasses all the islands of America, it 
abounds also very plentifully in all sorts of quadruped animals, 
such as horses, bulls, cows, wild-boars, and others very useful 
to human kind, not only for common sustenance of life, but 
also for cultivating the ground and the management of a 
sufficient commerce. 

In this island, therefore, are still remaining an huge number 
of wild-dogs. These destroy yearly multitudes of all sorts of 
cattle. For no sooner has a cow brought forth her calf, or a 
mare foaled, but these wild-mastiffs come to devour the young 
breed, if they find not some resistance from keepers and other 
domestic dogs. They run up and down the woods and fields 
commonly in whole troops of fifty, three-score, or more to- 
gether, being withal so fierce that they ofttimes will assault an 
entire herd of wild-boars, not ceasing to persecute them till 
they have at last overcome and torn in pieces two or three. 
One day a French Buccaneer caused me to see a strange action 
of this kind. Being in the fields hunting together, we heard 
a great noise of dogs, which had surrounded a wild-boar. 
Having tame dogs with us, we left them to the custody of our 
servants, desirous to see the sport, if possible. Hence my 
companion and I, each of us, climbed up into several trees, 
both for security and prospect. The wild-boar was all alone, 
and standing against a tree ; with his tusks he endeavoured to 
defend himself from a great number of dogs that had enclosed 
him, having with his teeth killed and wounded several of them. 
This bloody fight continued about an hour, the wild-boar 
meanwhile attempting many times to escape. At last, being 



upon the flight, one of those dogs, leaping on his back, fastened 
upon the testicles, which at one pullhe torein pieces. The rest 
of the dogs, perceiving the courage of their companion, fast- 
ened likewise upon the boar, and presently after killed him. 
This being done, all of them, the first only excepted, laid them- 
selves down upon the ground about the prey, and there 
peaceably continued till he, the first and most courageous of 
the troop, had eaten as much as he could devour. When this 
dog had ended his repast and left the dead beast, all the rest fell 
in to take their share, till nothing was left that they could 
devour. What ought we to infer from this notable action, 
performed by the brutish sense of wild animals? Only this, 
that even beasts themselves are not destitute of knowledge, 
and that they give us documents how to honour such as have 
well deserved, seeing these, being irrational animals as they 
were, did reverence and respect him that exposed his life to 
the greatest danger, in vanquishing courageously the common 

The Governor of Tortuga, Monsieur Ogeron, understanding 
that the wild-dogs killed too many of the wild-boars, and that 
the hunters of that island had much-a-do to find any, fearing 
lest that common sustenance of the isle should fail, caused a 
great quantity of poison to be brought from France, therewith 
to destroy the wild-mastiffs. This was performed in the year 
1668, by commanding certain horses to be killed and en- 
venomed, and laid open in the woods and fields, at certain 
places where mostly wild-dogs used to resort. This being 
continued for the space of six months, there were killed an 
incredible number in the said time. And yet all this industry 
was not sufficient to exterminate and destroy the race; yea, 
scarce to make any diminution thereof, their number appear- 
ing to be almost as entire as before. These wild-dogs are 
easily rendered tame among people, even as tame as the 
ordinary dogs we breed in houses. Moreover, the hunters of 
those parts, whensoever they find a wild bitch with young 
whelps, do commonly take away the puppies and bring them 
to their houses, where they experience them, being grown up, 
to hunt much better than other dogs. 

But here the curious reader may peradventure inquire 
whence or by what accident came so many wild dogs into those 
islands, The occasion was that the Spaniards, having pos- 

Pe ses? eee ee 

See ee ee ee 


sessed themselves of these isles, found them much peopled 
with Indians. These were a barbarous sort of people totally 
given to sensuality and a brutish custom of life, hating all 
manner of labour, and only inclined to run from place to place, 
killing and making war against their neighbours, not out of 
any ambition to reign, but only because they agreed not with 
themselves in some common terms of language. Hence 
perceiving the dominion of the Spaniards laid a great restric- 
tion upon their lazy and brutish customs, they conceived 
an incredible odium against them, such as never was to be 
reconciled. But more especially, because they saw them take 
possession of their kingdoms and dominions. Hereupon 
they made against them all the resistance they were capable 
of, opposing everywhere their designs to the utmost of their 
power, until that the Spaniards, finding themselves to be 
cruelly hated by those Indians, and nowhere secure from their 
treacheries, resolved to extirpate and ruin them every one ; 
especially seeing they could neither tame them by the civilities 

_of their customs, nor conquer them by the sword. But the 

Indians, it being their ancient custom to make their woods 
their chieftest places of defence, at present made these 
their refuge whenever they fled from the Spaniards that 
pursued them. Hereupon those first conquerors of the New 
World made use of dogs to range and search the intricatest 
thickets of woods and forests for those their implacable and 
unconquerable enemies. By these means they forced them 
to leave their ancient refuge and submit unto the sword, 
seeing no milder usage would serve turn. Hereupon they 

- killed some of them, and, quartering their bodies, placed them 

in the highways, to the intent that others might take warning 
from such a punishment, not to incur the like danger. But 
this severity proved to be of ill consequence. For, instead 
of frighting them and reducing their minds to a civil society, 
they conceived such horror of the Spaniards and their pro- 
ceedings, that they resolved to detest and fly their sight for 
ever. And hence the greatest part died in caves and 
subterraneous places of the woods and mountains ; in which 
places I myself have seen many times great numbers of human 
bones. / The Spaniards afterwards, finding no more Indians 
to appear about the woods, endeavoured to rid themselves of 
the great number of dogs they had in their houses, whence 


these animals, finding no masters to keep them, betook 
themselves unto the woods and fields, there to hunt for food 
to preserve their lives. Thus by degrees they became un- 
acquainted with the houses of their ancient masters, and at 
last grew wild. This is the truest account I can give of the 
multitudes of wild-dogs which are seen to this day in these 

But besides the wild-mastiffs above-mentioned, here are 
also huge numbers of wild-horses to be seen everywhere. 
These run up and down in whole herds or flocks all over the 
island of Hispaniola. They are but low of stature, short- 
bodied, with great heads, long necks, and big or thick legs. 
In a word, they have nothing that is handsome in all their 
shape. They are seen to run up and down commonly in troops 
of two or three hundred together, one of them going always 
before, to lead the multitude. When they meet any person 
that travels through the woods or fields, they stand still, 
suffering him to approach till he can almost touch them, and 
then, suddenly starting, they betake themselves to flight, 
running away disorderly, as fast as they are able. The 
hunters catch them with industry, only for the benefit of their 
skins, although sometimes they preserve their flesh likewise, 
which they harden with smoke, using it for provisions when 
they go to sea. 

Here would be also wild-bulls and cows, in greater number 
than at present, if by continuation of hunting their race were 
not much diminished. Yet considerable profit is made even to 
this day by such as make it their business to kill them. The 
wild-bulls are of a vast corpulency, or bigness of body ; and 
yet they do no hurt unto any person if they be not exasperated 
but left to their own repose. The hides which are taken from 
them are from eleven to thirteen foot long. 

The diversity of birds inhabiting the air of this island is so 
great that I should be troublesome, as well unto the reader as 
myself, if I should attempt to muster up their species. Hence, 
leaving aside the prolix catalogue of their multitude, I shall 
content myself only to mention some few of the chiefest. Here 
is a certain species of pullets in the woods, which the Spaniards 
call by the name of fintadas, which the inhabitants find with- 
out any distinction to be as good as those which are bred in 
houses. It is already known to everybody that the parrots 


which we have in Europe are transported to us from these 
parts of the world. Whence may be inferred that, seeing such 
a number of these talkative birds are preserved among us, 
notwithstanding the diversity of climates, much greater 
multitudes are to be found where the air and temperament is 
natural to them. The parrots make their nests in holes of 
palmetto-trees, which holes are before made to their hand by 
other birds. The reason is, forasmuch as they are not capable 
of excavating any wood though never so soft, as having their 
own bills too crooked and blunt. Hence provident nature 
has supplied them with the labour and industry of another 
sort of small birds called carpinteros, or carpenters. These 
are no bigger than sparrows, yet notwithstanding of such hard 
and piercing bills that no iron instrument can be made more 
apt to excavate any tree, though never so solid and hard. In 
the holes, therefore, fabricated beforehand by these birds, the 
parrots get possession, and build their nests, as has been said. 

Pigeons of all sorts are also here abundantly provided unto 
the inhabitants by Him that created in the beginning and 
provided all things. For eating of them, those of this island 
observe the same seasons as we said before, speaking of the isle 
of Tortuga. Betwixt the pigeons of both islands little or no 
difference is observable, only that these of Hispaniola are 
something fatter and bigger than those. Another sort of 
small birds here are called cabreros, or goat-keepers. These 
are very like unto others called heronsetas, and do chiefly feed 
upon crabs of the sea. In these birds are found seven distinct 
bladders of gall, and hence their flesh is as bitter unto the 
taste as aloes. Crows or ravens, more troublesome unto the 
inhabitants than useful, do here make a hideous noise through 
the whole circumference of the island. Their ordinary food is 
the flesh of wild-dogs, or the carcases of those beasts the 
Buccaneers kill and throw away. These clamorous birds do 
no sooner hear the report of a fowling-piece or musket but they 
gather from all sides into whole flocks, and fill the air and woods 
with their unpleasant notes. They are in nothing different 
from those we see in Europe. 

It is now high time to speak of the French nation, who 
inhabit a great part of this island. We have told, at the 
beginning of this book, after what manner they came at first 
into these parts. At present, therefore, we shall only describe 


their manner of living, customs, and ordinary employments. 
The different callings or professions they follow are generally 
but three: either to hunt, or plant, or else to rove on the sea 
in quality of pirates. It is a general and solemn custom 
amongst them all to seek out for a comrade or companion, 
whom we may call partner, in their fortunes ; with whom they 
join the whole stock of what they possess, towards a mutual 
and reciprocal gain. This is done also by articles drawn and 
signed on both sides, according to what has been agreed be- 
tween them. Some of these constitute their surviving com- 
panion absolute heir unto what is left by the death of the first 
of the two. Others, if they be married, leave their estates 
unto their wives and children; others unto other relations. 
This being done, every one applies himself unto his calling, 
which is always one of the three aforementioned. 

The hunters are again subdivided into two several sorts. 
For some of these are given to hunt only wild-bulls and cows ; 
others hunt only wild-boars. The first of these two sorts of 
hunters are called Buccaneers,, These not long ago were 
about the number of 600 upon this island; but at present 
there are not reckoned to be above 300 more or less. The 
cause has been the great decrease of wild-cattle through the 
dominions of the French in Hispaniola, which has appeared to 
be so notable that, far from getting any considerable gain, 
they at present are but poor in this exercise. AWhen the 
Buccaneers go into the woods to hunt for wild-bulls and cows, 
they commonly remain there the space of a whole twelve- 
month or two years, without returning home. After the 
hunt is over and the spoil divided among them, they 
commonly sail to the isle of Tortuga, there to provide 
themselves with guns, powder, bullets, and small shot, with all 
other necessaries against another going out or hunting. The 
rest of their gains they spend with great liberality, giving 
themselves freely to all manner of vices and debauchery, 
among which the first is that of drunkenness, which they 
exercise for the most part with brandy; this they drink as 
liberally as the Spaniards do clear fountain-water. Sometimes 
they buy together a pipe of wine: this they stave at the one 
end, and never cease drinking till they have made an end of it. 
Thus they celebrate the festivals of Bacchus so long as they 
have any money left. Neither do they forget at the same time 


the goddess Venus, for whose beastly delights they find more 
women than they can make use of. For all the tavern-keepers 
and strumpets wait for the coming of these lewd Buccaneers, 
even after the same manner that they do at Amsterdam for 
the arrival of the East India fleet at the Texel. The said 
Buccaneers are hugely cruel and tyrannical towards their 
servants: insomuch that commonly these had rather be 
galley-slaves in the Straits, or saw brazil-wood in the rasp- 
houses! of Holland, than serve such barbarous masters. 

The second sort of hunters hunt nothing else but wild-boars. 
The flesh of these they salt, and, being thus preserved from 
corruption, they sell it unto the planters. These hunters have 
also the same vicious customs of life, and are as much addicted 
to all manner of debauchery as the former. But their manner 
of hunting is quite different from what is practised in Europe. 
For these Buccaneers have certain places, designed for hunting, . 
where they live for the space of three or four months, and 
sometimes, though not often, a whole year. Such places are 
called deza boulan ; and in these, with only the company of 
five or six friends, who go along with them, they continue all 
the time above-mentioned in mutual friendship. The first 
Buccaneers we spoke of many times make an agreement with 
certain planters to furnish them with meat all the whole year 
at a certain price. The payment hereof is often made with 
two or three hundréd-weight of tobacco, in the leaf. But the 
planters commonly into the bargain furnish them likewise with 
a servant, whom they send to help. Unto the servant they 
afford a sufficient quantity of all necessaries for that purpose, 
polly of powder, bullets, and small shot, to hunt withaly 

The planters began to cultivate and plant the isle of Tortuga 
in the year 1598. The first plantation was of tobacco, the 
which grew to admiration, being likewise of very good quality. 
Notwithstanding, by reason of the small circumference of the 
island, they were then able to plant but little ; especially there 
being many pieces of land in that isle that were not fit to 
produce tobacco. They attempted likewise to make sugar, 
but, by reason of the great expenses necessary to defray the 

1 Houses of correction, at one time in use in Holland and Germany. 
Prisoners were put to rasping wood. Cf. Evelyn, Diary, 19 Aug. 1641 : 
“‘ We went to see the rasp-house, where lusty knaves are compell’d to 
worke, and the rasping of brasill and logwood is very hard labour.” 


charges, they could not bring it to any effect. So that the 
greatest part of the inhabitants, as we said before, betook 
themselves to the exercise of hunting, and the remaining part 
to that of piracy. At last the hunters, finding themselves 
scarce able to subsist by their first profession, began likewise to 
seek out lands that might be rendered fit for culture ; and in 
these also they planted tobacco. The first land that they 
chose for this purpose was Cul de Sac, whose territory extends 
towards the Southern part of the island. This piece of ground 
they divided into several quarters, which were called the Great 
Amea, Niep, Rochelois, the Little Grave, the Great Grave, 
and the Augame. “Here, by little and little, they increased so 
much that at present there are above two thousand planters 
in those fields. At the beginning they endured very much 
hardship, seeing that, while they were busied about their 
husbandry, they could not go out of the island to seek pro- 
visions. This hardship was also increased by the necessity of 
grubbing, cutting down, burning, and digging, whereby to 
extirpate the innumerable roots of shrubs and trees.g For 
when the Frertch possessed themselves of that island, it was 
wholly overgrown with woods extremely thick, these being 
inhabited only by an extraordinary number of wild-boars. 
The method they took to clear the ground was to divide them- 
selves into small companies of two or three persons together, 
and these companies to separate far enough from each other, 
provided with a few hatchets and some quantity of coarse 
provision. With these things they used to go into the woods, 
and there to build huts for their habitation, of only a few 
rafters and boughs of trees. Their first endeavour was to 
root up the shrubs and little trees; afterwards to cut down 
the great ones. These they gathered into heaps, with their 
branches, and then set them on fire, excepting the roots, which, 
last of all, they were constrained to grub and dig up after the 
best manner they could. The first seed they committed to the 
ground was beans. These in those countries both ripen and 
dry away in the space of six weeks. 

The second fruit necessary to human life which here they 
tried was potatoes. These come not to perfection in lesser 
time than four or five months. On these they most commonly 
make their breakfasts every morning. They dress them no 
otherwise than by boiling them in a kettle with fair water. 


Afterwards they cover them with a cloth for the space of half- 
an-hour, by which manner of dressing they become as soft as 
boiled chestnuts. Of the said potatoes also they make a 
drink called maiz. They cut them into small slices, and cover 
them with hot water. When they are well imbibed with water, 
they press them through a coarse cloth, and the liquor that 
comes out, although somewhat thick, they keep in vessels 
made for that purpose. Here, after settling two or three days, 
it begins to work ; and, having thrown off its lees, is fit for 
drink. They use it with great delight, apd although the taste 
is somewhat sour, yet it is very pleasant, substantial, and 
wholesome. The industry of this composition is owing 
unto the Indians, as well as of many others, which the ingeni- 
osity of those barbarians caused them to invent both for the 
preservation and the pleasure of their own life. 

The third fruit the newly cultivated land afforded was 
mandioca, which the Indians by another name call cassava. 
This is a certain root which they plant, but comes not to per- 
fection till after eight or nine months, yea, sometimes a whole 
year. Being thoroughly ripe, it may be left in the ground the 
space of eleven or twelve months, without the least suspicion 
of corruption. But, this time being past, the said roots must 
be converted unto use some way or another, otherwise they 
conceive a total putrefaction. Of these roots of cassava, in 
those countries, ds made a sort of granulous flour, or meal, 
extremely dry and white, which supplies the want of common 
bread made of wheat, whereof the fields are altogether barren 
in that island. For this purpose they have in their houses 
certain graters made either of copper or tin, wherewith they 
grate the aforementioned roots, just as they use to do mirick 
in Holland. By the by, let me tell you, mirick is a certain 
root of a very biting taste, not unlike unto strong mustard, 
wherewith they usually make sauces for some sorts of fish. 
When they have grated as much cassava root as will serve 
turn, they put the gratings into bags, or sacks, made of coarse 
linen, and press out all the moisture, until they remain very 
dry. Afterwards they pass the gratings through a sieve, 
leaving them, after sifting, very like unto sawdust. The meal 
being thus prepared, they lay it upon planches of iron, which 
are made very hot, upon which it is converted into a sort of 
cakes, very thin. These cakes are afterwards placed in the 


sun, upon the tops of houses, where they are thoroughly and 
perfectly dried. And lest they should lose any part of their 
meal, what did not pass the sieve is made into up rolls, 5 or 6 
inches thick. These are placed one upon another, and left 
in this posture until they begin to corrupt. Of this corrupted 
matter they make a liquor, by them called veycou, which they 
find very excellent, and certainly is not inferior unto our 
English beer. 

Bananas are likewise another sort of fruit, of which is made 
another excellent liquor, which, both in strength and pleasant- 
ness of taste, may be compared unto the best wines of Spain. 
But this liquor of bananas, as it easily causes drunkenness in 
such as use it immoderately, so it likewise very frequently 
inflames the throat, and produces dangerous diseases in that 
part. Gunes agudos is also another fruit whereof they make 
drink. But this sort of liquor is not so strong as the preceding. 
Howbeit, both the one and the other are frequently mingled 
with water, thereby to quench thirst. 

After they had cultivated these plantations, and filled them 
with all sorts of roots and fruits necessary for human life, they 
began to plant tobacco, for trading. The manner of planting 
this frequent commodity is as follows. They make certain 
beds of earth in the field, no larger than twelve-foot square. 
These beds they cover very well with palmetto-leaves, to the 
intent that the rays of the sun may not touch the earth where- 
in tobacco is sowed. They water them likewise, when it does 
not rain, as we do our gardens in Europe. When it is grown 
about the bigness of young lettuce, they transplant it into 
straight lines, which they make in other spacious fields, setting 
every plant at the distance of 3 foot from each other. They 
observe, likewise, the fittest seasons of the year for these 
things, which are commonly from January until the end of 
March, these being the months wherein most rains do fall in 
those countries. Tobacco ought to be weeded very carefully, 
seeing the least root of any other herb, coming near it, is 
sufficient to hinder its growth. When it is grown to the 
height of one foot and a half or thereabouts, they cut off the 
tops—thereby to hinder the stalks and leaves from shooting 
too high upwards, to the intent that the whole plant may 
receive greater strength from the earth, which affords unto 
it all its vigour and taste. While it ripens and comes to full 


perfection, they prepare in their houses certain apartments 
of fifty or three-score foot in length and thirty or forty in 
breadth. These they fill with branches of trees and rafters, 
and upon them lay the green tobacco to dry. “When it is 
thoroughly dried, they strip off the leaf from the stalks, and 
cause it to be rolled up by certain people who are employed in 
this work and no other., Unto these they afford for their 
labour the tenth part of what they make up into rolls. This 
property is peculiar unto tobacco, which therefore I shall not 
omit, that if, while it is yet in the ground, the leaf be pulled off 
from the stalk, it sprouts again, no less than four times in one 
year. Here I should be glad to give an account also of the 
manner of making sugar, indigo and gimbes!; but, seeing 
these things are not planted in those parts whereof we now 
speak, I have thought fit to pass them over in silence. 
“The French planters of the isle of Hispaniola have always 
unto this present time been subject unto the Governors of 
Tortuga. Yet this obedience has not been rendered without 
much reluctance and grudging on their side. In the year 1664 
the West India Company of France laid the foundations of 
a colony in Tortuga, under which colony the planters of 
Hispaniola were comprehended and named as _ subjects 
thereunto. This decree disgusted the said planters very 
much, they taking it very ill to be reputed subjects unto a 
private Company of men who had no authority to make them 
so; especially being in a country which belonged not unto 
the dominions of the King of France. Hereupon they resolved 
to work no longer for the said Company. And this resolution 
of theirs was sufficient to compel the Company to a total 
dissolution of the Colony. But at last the Governor of 
Tortuga, who was pretty well stocked with planters, con- 
ceiving he could more easily force them than the West India 
Company, found an invention whereby to draw them unto his 
obedience. He promised them he would put off their several 
sorts of merchandize, and cause such returns to be made, in 
lieu of their goods from France, as they should best like, 
Withal, he dealt with the merchants under-hand, that all ships 
whatsoever should come consigned unto him, and no persons 
should entertain any correspondence with those planters of 

1 Perhaps gambier, gambir, an astringent extract from the leaves of 
Uncaria Gambir, 



Hispaniola; thinking thereby to avoid many inconveniences, 
and compel them through necessity and want of all things 
to obey. By these means he not only obtained the obedience 
he designed from those people, but also that some merchants 
who had promised to deal with them and visit them now and 
then, no longer did it. 

Notwithstanding what has been said, in the year 1669 two 
ships from Holland happened to arrive at the isle of Hispaniola 
with all sorts of merchandize necessary in those parts. With 
these ships presently the planters aforesaid resolved to deal, 
and with the Dutch nation for the future, thinking hereby to 
withdraw their obedience from the Governor of Tortuga, and, 
by frustrating his designs, revenge themselves of what they had 
endured under his government. Not long after the arrival of 
the Hollanders, the Governor of Tortuga came to visit the 
plantation of Hispaniola, in a vessel very well armed. But 
the planters not only forbade him to come ashore, but with 
their guns also forced him to weigh anchor, and retire faster 
than hecame. Thus the Hollanders began to trade with these 
people for all manner of things. But such relations and friends 
as the Governor had in Hispaniola used all the endeavours 
they were capable of to impede the commerce. This being 
understood by the planters, they sent them word that 7 case 
they laid not aside their artifices, for the hinderance of the com- 
merce which was begun with the Hollanders, they should every 
one assuredly be torn in pieces. Moreover, to oblige farther the 
Hollanders and contemn the Governor and his party, they 
gave greater ladings unto the two ships than they could desire, 
with many gifts and presents unto the officers and mariners, 
whereby they sent them very well contented to their own 
country. The Hollanders came again very punctually, 
according to their promise, and found the planters under a 
greater indignation than before against the Governor ; either 
because of the great satisfaction they had already conceived of 
this commerce with the Dutch, or that by their means they 
hoped to subsist by themselves without any further dependence 
upon the French nation. However it was, suddenly after they 
set up another resolution something more strange than the 
preceding. The tenour hereof was that they would go unto 
the island of Tortuga, and cut the Governor in pieces. Here- 
upon they gathered together as many canoes as they could, 


and set sail from Hispaniola, with design not only to kill the 
Governor, but also to possess themselves of the whole island. 
This they thought they could more easily perform by reason 
of all necessary assistance which they believed would at any 
time be sent them from Holland. By which means they were 
already determined in their minds to erect themselves into a 
new Commonwealth, independent of the Crown of France. 
But no sooner had they begun this great revolution of their 
little State, when they received news of a war declared between 
the two nations in Europe. This wrought such a consterna- 
tion in their minds as caused them to give over that enter- 
prize and retire without attempting anything. 

In the meanwhile the Governor of Tortuga sent into France 
for aid towards his own security and the reduction of those 
people to their former obedience. This was granted him, 
and two men-of-war were sent unto Tortuga, with orders to 
be at his commands. Having received such a considerable 
support, he sent them very well equipped to the isle of His- 
paniola. Being arrived at the place, they landed part of their 
forces, with a design to force the people to the obedience of 
those whom they much hated in their hearts. But the planters, 
seeing the arrival of those two frigates and not being ignorant 
of their design, fled into the woods, abandoning their houses 
and many of their goods, which they left behind. These 
were immediately rifled and burnt by the French without 
any compassion, not sparing the least cottage they found. 
Afterwards the Governor began to relent in his anger, and let 
them know by some messengers that i case they would return 
unto his obedience, he would give ear unto some accommodation 
betwixt them. WHereupon the planters, finding themselves 
destitute of all human relief and that they could expect no 
help from any side, surrendered unto the Governor upon 
articles, which were made and signed on both sides. But 
these were not too strictly observed, for he commanded two 
of the chief among them to be hanged. The residue were 
pardoned, and withal he gave them free leave to trade with any 
nation whatsoever they found most fit for their purpose. With 
the grant of this liberty they began to recultivate their plant- 
ations, which gave them an huge quantity of very good 
tobacco; they selling yearly to the sum of 20 or 30 thousand 

rolls. y, 


/In this country the planters have but very few slaves, for 
want of which they themselves, and some servants they have, 
are constrained to do all the drudgery. These servants com- 
monly oblige and bind themselves unto their masters for the 
space of three years. But their masters, forsaking all con- 
science and justice, oftentimes traffic with their bodies as with 
horses at a fair; selling them unto other masters, even just as ~ 
they sell negroes brought from the coast of Guinea. Yea, to 
advance this trade, some persons there are who go purposely 
into France (the same happens in England and other coun- 
tries), and, travelling through the cities, towns, and villages, 
endeavour to pick up young men or boys, whom they trans- 
port, by making them great promises. These, being once 
allured and conveyed into the islands I speak of, they force to 
work like horses, the toil they impose upon them being much 
harder than what they usually enjoin unto the negroes, their 
slaves. For these they endeavour in some manner to pre- 
serve, as being their perpetual bond-men ; but, as for their 
white servants, they care not whether they live or die, seeing 
they are to continue no longer than three years in their service. , 
These miserable kidnapped people are frequently subject unto 
a certain disease, which in those parts is called coma, being a 
total privation of all their senses. And this distemper is 
judged to proceed from their hard usage, together with the 
change of their native climate into that which is directly 
opposite. Oftentimes it happens that, among these transported 
people, such are found as are persons of good quality and 
tender education. And these, being of a softer constitution, 
are more suddenly surprised with the disease above-mentioned, 
and with several others belonging to those countries, than those 
who have harder bodies and have been brought up to all 
manner of fatigue. Besides the hard usage they endure in 
their diet, apparel, and repose, many times they beat them so 
cruelly that some of them fall down dead under the hands of 
their cruel masters. This I have often seen with my own eyes, 
not without great grief and regret. Of many instances of 
this nature I shall give you only the following history, as being 
something more remarkable in its circumstances. 

It happened that a certain planter of those countries 
exercised such cruelty towards one of his servants as caused 
him to run away. Having absconded for some days in the 


woods from the fury of his tyrannical master, at last he was 
taken, and brought back to the dominion of this wicked 
Pharaoh. No sooner had he got him into his hands but he 
commanded him to be tied unto a tree. Here he gave him 
so many lashes upon his naked back as made his body run an 
entire stream of gore-blood, embruing therewith the ground 
about the tree. Afterwards, to make the smart of his wounds 
the greater, he anointed them with juice of lemon mingled 
with salt and pepper, being grounded small together. In this 
miserable posture he left him tied unto the tree for the space of 
four-and-twenty hours. These being past, he commenced his 
punishment again, lashing him as before, with so much cruelty 
that the miserable wretch, under this torture, gave up the 
ghost, with these dying words in his mouth: I beseech the 
Almighty God, Creator of heaven and earth, that he permit the 
wicked Spirit to make thee feel as many torments before thy death 
as thou hast caused me to feel before mine. A strange thing and 
worthy all astonishment and admiration! Scarce three or 
four days were past after this horrible fact, when the Almighty 
Judge, who had heard the clamours of that tormented wretch, 
gave permission to the Author of Wickedness suddenly to 
possess the body of that barbarous and inhuman Amirricide}, 
who tormented him to death. Insomuch that those tyran- 
nical hands, wherewith he had punished to death his innocent 
servant, were the tormentors of his own body. For with 
them, after a miserable manner, he did beat himself and lacer- 
ated his own flesh, till he lost the very shape of man which 
nature had given him, not ceasing to howl and cry, without 
any rest either by day or night. Thus he continued to do 
until he died, in that condition of raving madness wherein 
he surrendered his ghost unto the same Spirit of Darkness who 
had tormented his body. Many other examples of this kind 
I could rehearse, but these, not belonging unto our present 
discourse, I shall therefore omit. 

The planters that inhabit the Caribbee Islands are rather 
worse and more cruel unto their servants than the preceding. 
In the Isle of Saint Christopher dwells one, whose name is 
Bettesa, very well known among the Dutch merchants, who 

1 The allusion here seems to be irrecoverable. Research in all 
books of reference likely to yield a result, and inquiries of many 
classical and literary experts have proved quite futile, 


has killed above a hundred of his servants with blows and 
stripes. “The English do the same with their servants. And 
the mildest cruelty they exercise towards them is that, when 
they have served six years of their time (the years they are 
bound for among the English being seven complete), they use 
them with such cruel hardship as forces them to beg of their 
masters to sell them unto others, although it be to begin an- 
other servitude of seven years, or at least three or four. I 
have known many who after this manner served fifteen and 
twenty years before they could obtain their freedom. g Another 
thing very rigorous among that nation is a law in those islands, 
whereby if any man owes to another above five-and-twenty 
shillings, English money, in case he cannot pay, he is liable to 
be sold for the space of six or eight months. I shall not trouble 
the patience of my reader any longer with relations of this 
kind, as belonging unto another subject different from what 
I have proposed to myself in this history. Whereupon I 
shall take my beginning hence to describe the famous actions 
and exploits of the greatest Pirates of my time, during my 
residence in those parts. These I shall endeavour to relate 
without the least note of passion or partiality ; yea, with 
that candour which is peculiar both to my mind and style: 
withal certifying my reader I shall give him no stories taken 
from others upon trust or hearsay, but only those enterprizes 
unto which I was myself an eye-witness. 


Of the origin of the most famous Pirates of the coasts of America. 
A notable exploit of Pierre le Grand 

I HAVE told you in the preceding chapters of this book after 
what manner I was compelled to adventure my life among 
the Pirates of America—unto which sort of men I think my- 
self obliged to give this name, for no other reason than that 
they are not maintained or upheld in their actions by any 
Sovereign Prince. For this is certain, that the Kings of Spain 
have upon several occasions sent by their Ambassadors to the 
Kings of France and England, complaining of the molestations 
and troubles those Pirates often caused upon the coasts of America, 
even in the calm of peace. Unto whose ambassadors it has 
always been answered: That such men did not commit those 
_ acts of hostility and piracy as subjects of their Majesties ; and 
therefore his Catholic Majesty might proceed against them accord- 
ing as he should find fit. The King of France, besides what 
has been said, added unto this answer: That he had no fort- 
ress nor castle upon the isle of Hispaniola ; neither did he receive 
one farthing of tribute thence. Moreover, the King of England 
adjoined: That he had never given any patents or commissions 
unto those of Jamaica for committing any hostility against the sub- 
jects of his Catholic Majesty. Neither did he only give this bare 
answer, but also, out of his Royal desire to pleasure the Court 
of Spain, recalled the Governor of Jamaica, placing another in 
his room. AAll this was not sufficient to prevent the Pirates of 
those parts from acting what mischief they could to the 
contrary. But, before I commence the relation of their bold 
and insolent actions, I shall say something of their origin and 
most common exercises, as also of the chiefest among them, 
and their manner of arming before they go out to sea. 

The first Pirate that was known upon the island of Tortuga 



was named Pierre le Grand, or Peter the Great. He was 
born at the town of Dieppe, in Normandy. The action which 
rendered him famous was his taking of the Vice-Admiral of 
the Spanish flofa!, nigh unto the Cape of Tiburon, upon the 
Western side of the island of Hispaniola. This bold exploit 
he performed alone with one only boat, wherein he had eight- 
and-twenty persons, no more, to help him. What gave occa- 
sion unto this enterprize was that until that time the Spaniards 
had passed and repassed with all security, and without finding 
the least opposition, through the Channel of Bahama. So 
that Pierre le Grand set out to sea by the Caicos, where he 
took this great ship with almost all facility imaginable. The 
Spaniards they found aboard were all set on shore, and the 
vessel presently sent into France. The manner how this 
undaunted spirit attempted and took such an huge ship, I 
shall give you out of the Journal of a true and faithful author 
in the same words I read them: The boat, saith he, wherein 
Pierre le Grand was with his companions, had now been at sea 
a long time, without finding anything, according to his intent of 
piracy suitable to make a prey. And now, their provisions 
beginning to farl, they could keep themselves no longer upon the 
ocean or they must of necessity starve. Being almost reduced 
to despair, they espied a great ship belonging to the Spanish flota 
which had separated from the rest. This bulky vessel they 
resolved to set upon and take, or die in the attempt. Hereupon 
they made sail towards her, with design to view her strength. 
And, although they judged the vessel to be far above their forces, 
yet the covetousness of such a prey and the extremity of fortune they 
were reduced unto, made them adventure upon such an enterprize. 
Being now come so near that they could not escape without danger 
of being all killed, the Pirates jointly made an oath unto their 
captain, Pierre le Grand, to behave themselves courageously in 
this attempt without the least fear or fainting. True it ts that 
these rovers had conceived an opinion they should find the ship 
unprovided to fight, and that through this occasion they should 
master her by degrees. It was in the dusk of the evening, or soon 
after, when this great action was performed. But, before it was 

1 Spanish, a fleet of merchant-ships. ‘‘ The flota is a fleet of large 
ships which carry the goods of Europe to the ports of America, and bring 
back the produce of Mexico, Peru, and other kingdoms of the New 
World ’’—Swinburne, Travels in Spain [1779], Letter 28, 


begun, they gave orders unto the surgeon of the boat to bore a hole 
in the sides thereof, to the intent that, their own vessel sinking 
under them, they might be compelled to attack more vigorously 
and endeavour more hastily to run aboard the great ship. This 
was performed accordingly ; and, without any other arms than 
a pistol in one of their hands and a sword in the other, they 
immediately climbed up the sides of the ship, and ran altogether 
into the great cabin, where they found the Captain, with several 
of his companions, playing at cards. Here they set a pistol to 
his breast, commanding him to deliver up the ship unto their 
obedience. The Spaniards, seeing the Pirates aboard their ship, 
without scarce having seen them at sea, cried out : “‘ Jesus bless 
us! Are these devils, or what are they?” In the meanwhile, 
some of them took possession of the gun-room, and seized the arms 
and military affairs they found there, killing as many of the ship 
as made any opposition. By which means the Spaniards 
presently were compelled to surrender. That very day the 
Captain of the ship had been told by some of the seamen that the 
boat, which was in view cruizing, was a boat of Pirates. Unto 
whom the Captain, slighting their advice, made answer: ‘‘ What 
then? Must I be afraid of such a pitiful thing as that is ? 
No, nor though she were a ship as big and as strong as mine 
is.’’ As soon as Pierrele Grand had taken this magnificent prize, 
he detained in his service as many of the common seamen as he 
had need of, and the rest he set on shore. This being done, he 
immediately set sail for France, carrying with him all the riches 
he found in that huge vessel: there he continued without ever 
returning unto the parts of America. 

/The planters and hunters of the isle of Tortuga had no sooner 
understood this happy event, and the rich prize those Pirates 
had obtained, but they resolved to follow their example. 
Hereupon many of them left their ordinary exercises and 
common employments, and used what means they could to 
get either boats or small vessels wherein to exercise piracy. 
But, being not able either to purchase or build them at Tortuga, 
at last they resolved to set forth in their canoes and seek them 
elsewhere. With these, therefore, they cruized at first upon 
Cape d’Alvarez, whereabouts the Spaniards used much to 
trade from one city to another in small boats. In these 
they carry hides, tobacco, and other commodities unto 
the port of Havana, which is the metropolis of that island 


and unto which the Spaniards from Europe do frequently 

Hereabouts it was that those Pirates at the beginning took 
a great number of boats, laden with the aforesaid commodities. 
These boats they used to carry to the isle of Tortuga, and there 
sell the whole purchase unto the ships that waited in the 
port for their return or accidentally happened to be there. 
With the gains of these prizes they provided themselves with 
necessaries wherewithal to undertake other voyages. gSome 
of these voyages were made towards the coast of Campeche, 
and others towards that of New Spain ; in both which places 
the Spaniards at that time did frequently exercise much com- 
merce and trade. Upon those coasts they commonly found 
great number of trading vessels and many times ships of great 
burden. Two of the biggest of these vessels, and two great 
ships which the Spaniards had laden with plate in the port 
of Campeche to go unto Caracas, they took in less than a 
month’s time, by cruizing to and fro. Being arrived at Tor- 
tuga with these prizes, and the whole people of the island 
admiring their progresses, especially that within the space of 
two years the riches of the country were much increased, the 
number also of Pirates did augment so fast that from these 
beginnings, within a little space of time, there were to be num- 
bered in that small island and port above twenty ships of this 
sort of people. Hereupon the Spaniards, not able to bear their 
robberies any longer, were constrained to put forth to sea two 
great men-of-war, both for the defence of their own coasts 
and to cruize upon the enemies, 


After what manner the Pirates arm their vessels, and how they 
regulate their voyages 

/Berore the Pirates go out to sea, they give notice unto every- 
one that goes upon the voyage, of the day on which they ought 
precisely to embark, intimating also unto them their obliga- 
tion of bringing each man in particular so many pounds of 
powder and bullets as they think necessary for that expedition. 
Being all come on board, they join together in council, concern- 
ing what place they ought first to go unto wherein to get 
provisions—especially of flesh, seeing they scarce eat anything 

_else.y And of this the most common sort among them is pork. 
The next food is tortoises, which they use to salt a little. 
Sometimes they resolve to rob such or such hog-yards, 
wherein the Spaniards often have a thousand head of swine 
together. They come unto these places in the dark of the 
night, and, having beset the keeper’s lodge, they force him to 
rise and give them as many heads as they desire, threatening 
withal to kill him in case he disobeys their commands or makes 
any noise. Yea, these menaces are oftentimes put in execu- 
tion, without giving any quarter unto the miserable swine- 
keepers or any other person that endeavours to hinder their 

aving gotten provisions of flesh sufficient for their voyage, 
they return unto their ship. Here their allowance, twice a day 
to every one, is as much as he can eat, without either weight or 
measure. Neither does the steward of the vessel give any greater 
proportion of flesh, or anything else, unto the Captain than unto 
the meanest mariner. The ship being well victualled, they call 
another council, to deliberate towards what place they shall 
go to seek their desperate fortunes. In this council, likewise, 
they agree upon certain articles, which are put in writing, by 
way of bond or obligation, which every one is bound to ob- 



serve, and all of them, or the chiefest, do set their hands unto. 
Herein they specify, and set down very distinctly, what sums 
of money each particular person ought to have for that voyage, 
the fund of all the payments being the common stock of what 
is gotten by the whole expedition ; for otherwise it is the same 
law, among these people as with other Pirates: No prey, no 
pay. Inthe first place, therefore, they mention how much the 
Captain ought to have for his ship. Next the salary of the 
carpenter, or shipwright, who careened, mended, and rigged the 
vessel. This commonly amounts unto 100 or 150 pieces-of- 
eight!, being, according to the agreement, more or less. 
Afterwards for provisions and victualling they draw out of 
the same common stock about 200 pieces-of-eight. Also a 
competent salary for the surgeon and his chest of medica- 
ments, which usually is rated at 200 or 250 pieces-of-eight. 
Lastly, they stipulate in writing what recompense or re- 
ward each one ought to have that is either wounded or 
maimed in his body, suffering the loss of any limb, by that 
voyage. Thus they order for the loss of a right arm 600 
pieces-of-eight, or 6 slaves; for the loss of a left arm 500 
pieces-of-eight, or 5 slaves; for a right leg 500 pieces-of- 
eight, or 5 slaves; for a left leg 400 pieces-of-eight, or 4 
slaves; for an eye roo pieces-of-eight, or one slave ; 
for a finger of the hand the same reward as for the 
eye. All which sums of money, as I have said before, are 
taken out of the capital sum or common stock of what is gotten 
by their piracy. For a very exact and equal dividend is made 
of the remainder among them all. Yet herein they have also 
regard unto qualities and places. Thus the Captain, or chief 
Commander, is allotted five or six portions to what the ordi- 
nary seamen have ; the Master’s Mate only two ; and other 
Officers proportionable to their employment. After whom 
they draw equal parts from the highest even to the lowest 
mariner, the boys not being omitted. For even these draw 
half a share, by reason that, when they happen to take a better 
vessel than their own, it is the duty of the boys to set fire unto 
the ship or boat wherein they are, and then retire unto the 
prize which they have taken. 

1 A piece-of-eight is about five shillings sterling. (Note in original 
book.) It is a “hard dollar’’, the Spanish piaster, worth about 4s. 2d. 
(before 1914), 


They observe among themselves very good orders. For in 
the prizes they take, it is severely prohibited unto every one 

to usurp anything in particular unto themselves. Hence all 
they take is equally divided, according to what has been said 
before. Yea, they make a solemn oath to each other not to 
abscond, or conceal the least thing they find amongst the prey. 
If afterwards any one is found unfaithful, and has contravened 
the said oath, immediately he is separated and turned out 
of the society. Among themselves they are very civil and 
charitable to each other. Insomuch that, if any wants what 
another has, with great liberality they give it one to another. 
As soon as these Pirates have taken any prize of ship or boat, 
the first thing they endeavour is to set on shore the prisoners, 
detaining only some few for their own help and service, unto 
whom also they give their liberty after the space of two or 
three years.y They put in very frequently for refreshment at 
one island or another, but more especially into those which lie 
on the Southern side of the isle of Cuba. Here they careen 
their vessels, and in the meanwhile some of them go to hunt, 
others to cruize upon the seas in canoes, seeking their fortune. 
Many times they take the poor fishermen of tortoises, and, 
carrying them to their habitations, they make them work so 
long as the Pirates are pleased. 

In the several parts of America are found four distinct 
species of tortoises. The first hereof are so great that every 
one reaches to the weight of 2 or 3 thousand pounds. The 
scales of the species are so soft as that easily they may be cut 
with a knife. Yet these tortoises are not good to be eaten. 
The second species is of an indifferent bigness, and are green in 
colour. The scales of these are harder than the first, and this 
sort is of a very pleasant taste. The third is very little 
different in size and bigness from the second, unless that it has 
the head something bigger. This third species is called by the 
French cavana, and is not good for food. The fourth is named 
caret, being very like to the tortoises we have in Europe. 
This sort keeps most commonly among the rocks, whence they 
crawl out to seek their food, which is for the greatest part 
nothing but apples of the sea. Those other species above- 
mentioned feed upon grass which grows in the water upon the 
banks of the sand. These banks, or shelves, for their pleasant 
green do here resemble the delightful meadows of the United 


Provinces. Their eggs are almost like unto those of the 
crocodile, but without any shell, being only covered with a 
thin membrane or film. They are found in such prodigious 
quantities along the sandy shores of those countries that, 
were they not frequently destroyed by birds, the sea would 
infinitely abound with tortoises. 

These creatures have certain customary places whither they 
repair every year to lay their eggs. The chiefest of these 
places are the three islands called Caymanes, situated in the 
latitude of 20 degrees and 15 minutes North, being at the 
distance of five-and-forty-leagues from the isle of Cuba, on: 
the Northern side thereof. 

It is a thing much deserving consideration how the tortoises 
can find out these islands. Jl*or the greatest part of them come 
from the Gulf of Honduras, distant thence the whole space of 
150 leagues. Certain it is, that many times the ships, having 
lost their latitude through the darkness of the weather, have 
steered their course only by the noise of tortoises swimming 
that way, and have arrived unto those isles. When their 
season of hatching is past, they retire towards the island of 
Cuba, where are many good places that afford them food. 
But while they are at the islands of Caymanes, they eat very 
little or nothing. When they have been about the space of 
one month in the seas of Cuba, and are grown fat, the Span- 
iards go out to fish for them, they being then to be taken in 
such abundance that they provide with them sufficiently their 
cities, towns, and villages. Their manner of taking them is by 
making with a great nail a certain kind of dart. This they fix 
at the end of a long stick or pole, with which they wound the 
tortoises, as with a dagger, whensoever they appear above 
water to breathe fresh air. 

The inhabitants of New Spain and Campeche lade their 
principal sorts of merchandizes in ships of great bulk; and 
with these they exercise their commerce to and fro. The 
vessels from Campeche in winter-time set out towards Caracas, 
Trinity Isles, and that of Margarita. For in summer the 
winds are contrary, though very favourable to return unto 
Campeche, as they use to do at the beginning of that season. 
The Pirates are not ignorant of these times, being very dexterous 
in searching out all places and circumstances most suitable 
to their designs. Hence in the places and seasons afore- 


mentioned, they cruize upon the said ships for some while. 
But, in case they can perform nothing, and that fortune does 
not favour them with some prize or other, after holding a 
council thereupon, they commonly enterprize things very 
desperate. Of these their resolutions I shall give you one 
instance very remarkable. One certain Pirate, whose name 
was Pierre Francois or Peter Francis, happened to be a long 
time at sea with his boat and six-and-twenty persons, waiting 
for the ships that were to return from Maracaibo towards 
Campeche. Not being able to find anything, nor get any prey, 
at last he resolved to direct his course to Rancherias, which is 
nigh unto the river called De la Plata, in the latitude of 
twelve-degrees-and-a-half North. In this place lies a rich 
bank of pearl, to the fishery whereof they yearly send from 
Cartagena a fleet of a dozen vessels, with a man-of-war for 
their defence. Every vessel has at least a couple of negroes in 
it, who are very dexterous in diving, even to the depths of six 
fathoms within the sea, whereabouts they find good store of 
pearls. Upon this fleet of vessels, though small, called the 
Pearl Fleet, Pierre Francois resolved to adventure rather than 
go home with empty hands. They rode at anchor, at that 
time, at the mouth of the river De la Hacha, the man-of-war 
being scarce half-a-league distant from the small ships, and 
the wind very calm. Having espied them in this posture, he 
presently pulled down his sails and rowed along the coast, 
dissembling to be a Spanish vessel that came from Maracaibo 
and only passed that way. But, no sooner was he come unto 
the Pearl Bank, when suddenly he assaulted the Vice-Admiral 
of the said fleet, mounted with 8 guns and three-score men well 
armed, commanding them to surrender, But the Spaniards, 
running to their arms, did do what they could to defend them- 
selves, fighting for some while ; till at last they were constrained 
to submit unto the Pirate. Being thus possessed of the Vice- 
Admiral, he resolved next to adventure with some other 
stratagem upon the man-of-war, thinking thereby to get 
strength sufficient to master the rest of the fleet. With this 
intent he presently sank his own boat in the river; and, 
putting forth the Spanish colours, weighed anchor; with 
a little wind they began to stir, having with promises and 
menaces compelled most of the Spaniards to assist him in 
his design. But no sooner did the man-of-war perceive one 


of his fleet to set sail when he did so too, fearing lest the 
mariners should have any design to run away with the vessel 
and riches they had on board. This caused the Pirates 
immediately to give over that dangerous enterprize, as think- 
ing themselves unable to encounter force to force with the said 
man-of-war that now came against them. Hereupon they 
attempted to get out of the river and gain the open seas with 
the riches they had taken, by making as much sail as possibly 
the vessel would bear. This being perceived by the man-of- 
war, he presently gave ’um chase. But the Pirates, having 
laid on too much sail, and a gust of wind suddenly arising, 
had their main-mast blown down by the board, which 
disabled ’um from prosecuting their escape. 

This unhappy event much encouraged those that were in 
the man-of-war, they advancing and gaining upon the Pirates 
every moment ; by which means at last they were overtaken. 
But, these notwithstanding, finding themselves still with 
two-and-twenty persons sound, the rest being either killed or 
wounded, resolved to defend themselves so long as it were 
possible. This they performed very courageously for some 
while, until thereunto forced by the man-of-war, they were 
compelled to surrender. Yet was not this done without 
articles, which the Spaniards were glad to allow them, as 
follows: That they should not use them as slaves, forcing 
them to carry or bring stones or employing them in other 
labours for three or four years, as they commonly employ 
their negroes. But that they should set them on shore upon 
free land, without doing them harm in their bodies. Upon 
these articles they delivered themselves, with all that they 
had taken, which was worth only in pearls to the value of 
above 100,000 pieces-of-eight, besides the vessel, provisions, 
goods, and Sther things. All which being put together would 
have made unto this Pirate one of the greatest prizes he could 
desire ; which he had obtained, had it not been for the loss of 
his main-mast, as was said before. 

Another bold attempt, not unlike unto that which I have 
related nor less remarkable, I shall also give you at present. 
A certain Pirate, born in Portugal and from the name of his 
country called Bartholomew Portugues, was cruizing in his 
boat from Jamaica (wherein he had only thirty men and four 
small guns) upon the Cape de Corrientes, in the island of Cuba. 



AD ia 
—— > 3 
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‘ as 


\o se 

. : | : 
. dail 


In this place he met with a great ship that came from Mara- 
caibo and Cartegena, bound for the Havana, well provided with 
twenty great guns and threescore-and-ten men, between 
passengers and mariners. This ship he presently assaulted, but 
found as strongly defended by them that were on board. 
The Pirate escaped the first encounter, resolving to attack her 
more vigorously than before, seeing he had sustained no great 
damage hitherto. This resolution he boldly performed, 
renewing his assaults so often till that, after a long and 
dangerous fight, he became master of the great vessel. The 
Portuguese lost only ten men and had four wounded, so 
that he had still remaining twenty fighting men, whereas the 
Spaniards had double the same number. Having possessed 
themselves of such a ship, and the wind being contrary to 
return unto Jamaica, they resolved to steer their course 
towards the Cape of Saint Antony (which lies on the Western 
side of the isle of Cuba), there to repair themselves and 
take in fresh water, of which they had great necessity at 
that time. 

Being now very near unto the cape above-mentioned, they 
unexpectedly met with three great ships that were coming 
from New Spain and bound for the Havana. By these, as 
not being able to escape, they were easily retaken, both ship 
and Pirates. Thus they were all made prisoners through the 
sudden change of fortune, and found themselves poor, op- 
pressed, and stripped of all the riches they had purchased! so 
little before. The cargo of this ship consisted of 120,000 weight 
of coco-nuts, the chiefest ingredient of that rich liquor called 
chocolate, and threescore-and-ten thousand pieces-of-eight. 
Two days after this misfortune, there happened to arise an 
huge and dangerous tempest, which largely separated the 
ships from one another. The great vessel, wherein the Pirates 
were, arrived at Campeche, where many considerable merchants 
came to salute and welcome the Captain thereof. These 
presently knew the Portuguese Pirate, as being him who had 
committed innumerable excessive insolences upon those coasts, 
not only infinite murders and robberies but also lamentable 

1 Obsolete use of the word ‘ purchase’ (vb. and noun), originally 
“the action of hunting; the chase; the catching or seizing of prey’ 
(N.E.D.): hence pillage, plunder, booty. Frequently used throughout 
this book and other early books on the Buccaneers. 



ancendiums1, which those of Campeche still preserved very 
fresh in their memory. 

Hereupon, the next day after their arrival, the magistrates 
of the city sent several of their officers to demand and take 
into custody the criminal prisoners from on board the ship, 
with intent to punish them according to their deserts. 
Yet, fearing lest the Captain of those Pirates should escape 
out of their hands on shore (as he had formerly done, being 
once their prisoner in the city before), they judged it more 
convenient to leave him safely guarded on board the ship 
for the present. In the meanwhile they caused a gibbet 
to be erected, whereupon to hang him the very next day, 
without any other form of process than to lead him from 
the ship unto the place of punishment. The rumour of 
this future tragedy was presently brought unto Bartholo- 
mew Portugues’ ears, whereby he sought all the means he 
could to escape that night. With this design he took two 
earthen jars, wherein the Spaniards usually carry wine from 
Spain unto the West Indies, and stopped them very well, 
intending to use them for swimming, as those who are unskil- 
ful in that art do calabashes, a sort of pumpkins, in Spain, and 
in other places empty bladders. Having made this necessary 
preparation, he waited for the night, when all should be asleep, 
even the sentry that guarded him. But, seeing he could not 
escape his vigilancy, he secretly purchased a knife, and with 
the same gave him such a mortal stab as suddenly deprived 
him of life and the possibility of making any noise. At that 
instant he committed himself to sea, with those two earthen 
jars before-mentioned, and by their help and support, though 
never having learned to swim, he reached the shore. Being 
arrived upon land, without any delay he took his refuge 
in the woods, where he hid himself for three days, with- 
out daring to appear, nor eating any other food than wild 

Those of the city failed not the next day to make a diligent 
search for him in the woods, where they concluded him to be. 
This strict inquiry Portugues had the convenience to espy 
from the hollow of a tree, wherein he lay absconded. Hence 
perceiving them to return without finding what they sought 
for, he adventured to sally forth towards the coasts called Del 

1 Conflagrations. So-used in Howell, Parthenop. [1654], Preface. 


Golfo Triste, forty leagues distant from the city of Campeche. 
Hither he arrived within a fortnight after his escape from the 
ship. In which space of time, as also afterwards, he endured 
extreme hunger, thirst, and fears of falling again into the hands 
of the Spaniards. For during all this journey he had no other 
provision with him than a small calabash, with a little water ; 
neither did he eat anything else than a few shell-fish, which he 
found among the rocks nigh the sea-shore. Besides that, he 
was compelled to pass yet some rivers, not knowing well to 
swim. Being in this distress, he found an old board which the 
waves had thrown upon the shore, wherein did stick a few great 
nails. These he took, and with no small labour whetted 
against a stone, until that he had made them capable of cutting 
like unto knives, though very imperfectly. With these, and 
no better instruments, he cut down some branches of trees, 
the which with twigs and osiers he joined together, and made 
as well as he coulda boat, or rather a raft!,wherewith he rafted? 
over the rivers. Thus he arrived finally at the Cape of Golfo 
Triste, as was said before, where he happened to find a certain 
vessel of Pirates, who were great comrades of his own, and were 
lately come from Jamaica. 

Unto these Pirates he instantly related all his adversities and 
misfortunes, and withal demanded of them that they would 
fit him with a boat and 20 men. With which company alone 
he promised to return to Campeche and assault the ship that 
was in the river, by which he had been taken, and escaped 
fourteen days before. They readily granted his request, and 
equipped him a boat with the said number of men. With this 
small company he set forth towards the execution of his design, 
which he bravely performed eight days after he separated from 
his comrades at the Cape of Golfo Triste. For, being arrived 
at the river of Campeche, with an undaunted courage and 
without any rumour of noise he assaulted the ship before- 
mentioned. Those that were on board were persuaded this 
was a boat from land that came to bring contra banda goods ; 
and hereupon were not in any posture of defence. Thus the 
Pirates, laying hold on this occasion, assaulted them with- 
out any fear of ill success, and in short space of time com- 
pelled the Spaniards to surrender. 

1 In the original ‘ wafte.’ 
2 In the original ‘ wafted.’ No doubt misprints. 


Being now masters of the ship, they immediately weighed 
anchor and set sail, determining to fly from the port lest they 
should be pursued by other vessels. This they did with 
extremity of joy, seeing themselves possessors of such a brave 
ship. Especially Portugues, their captain, who now by a 
second turn of fortune’s wheel was become rich and powerful 
again, who had been so lately in that same vessel a poor 
miserable prisoner and condemned to the gallows. With this 
great purchase he designed in his mind greater things ; which 
he might well hope to obtain, seeing he had found in the vessel 
great quantity of rich merchandize still remaining on board, 
although the plate had been transported into thecity. Thus he 
continued his voyage towards Jamaica for some days. But 
coming nigh into the isle of Pinos, on the South side of the 
island of Cuba, fortune suddenly turned her back unto him 
once more, never to show him her countenance again. Fora 
horrible storm arising at sea occasioned the ship to split against 
the rocks or banks called Jardines. Insomuch that the vessel 
was totally lost, and Portugues, with his companions, escaped 
inacanoe. After this manner he arrived at Jamaica, where he 
remained no long time, being only there till he could prepare 
himself to seek his fortune anew, which from that time proved 
always adverse unto him. 

Nothing less rare and admirable than the preceding are the 
actions of another Pirate, who at present lives at Jamaica, 
and who has on sundry occasions enterprized and achieved 
things very strange. The place of his birth was the city of 
Groningen, in the United Provinces ; but his own proper name 
is not known: the Pirates, his companions, having only given 
him that of Roche Brasiliano by reason of his long residence in 
the country of Brazil, whence he was forced to flee, when 
the Portuguese retook those countries from the West India 
Company of Amsterdam, several nations then inhabiting at 
Brazil (as English, French, Dutch, and others) being con- 
strained to seek new fortunes. 

This fellow at that conjuncture of time retired unto Jamaica, 
where, being at a stand how to get a livelihood, he entered 
himself into the society of Pirates. Under these he served 
in quality of a private mariner for some while, in which 
degree he behaved himself so well as made him both beloved 
and respected by all, as one that deserved to be their 




Maier. mina 

ee ee ee a ee a ae IL 


Commander for the future. One day certain mariners hap- 
pened to engage in a dissension with their Captain ; the effect 
whereof was that they left the boat. Brasiliano followed the 
rest, and by these was chosen for their conductor and leader, 
who also fitted him out a boat or small vessel, wherein he 
received the title of Captain. 

Few days were past from his being chosen Captain, when he 
took a great ship that was coming from New Spain, on board 
of which he found great quantity of plate, and both one and 
the other he carried to Jamaica. This action gave him renown, 
and caused him to be both esteemed and feared, every one 
apprehending him much aboard. Howbeit, in his domestic 
and private affairs he had no good behaviour nor government 
over himself ; for in these he would oftentimes shew himself 
either brutish or foolish. Many times being in drink, he 
would run up and down the streets, beating or wounding 
whom he met, no person daring to oppose him or make any 

Unto the Spaniards he always showed himself very bar- 
barous and cruel, only out of an inveterate hatred he had 
against that nation. Of these he commanded several to be 
roasted alive upon wooden spits, for no other crime than that 
they would not shew him the places, or hog-yards, where he 
might steal swine. After many of these cruelties, it happened, 
as he was cruizing upon the coasts of Campeche, that a dismal 
tempest suddenly surprised him. This proved to be so violent 
that at last his ship was wrecked upon the coasts, the mariners 
only escaping with their muskets and some few bullets and 
powder, which were the only things they could save of all that 
was in the vessel. The place where the ship was lost was 
precisely between Campeche and the Golfo Triste. Here they 
got on shore in a canoe, and, marching along the coast with all 
the speed they could, they directed their course towards 
Golfo Triste, as being a place where the Pirates commonly 
used to repair and refresh themselves. Being upon this 
journey and all very hungry and thirsty, as is usual in desert 
places, they were pursued by some Spaniards, being a whole 
troop of a hundred horsemen. Brasiliano no sooner perceived 
this imminent danger than he animated his companions, tell- 
ing them: We had better, fellow soldiers, choose to die under 
our arms fighting, as it becomes men of courage, than surrender 


unto the Spaniards, who, in case they overcome us, will take 
away our lives with cruel torments. The Pirates were no more 
than 30 in number, who, notwithstanding, seeing their brave 
Commander oppose himself with courage unto the enemy, 
resolved to do the like. Hereupon they faced the troop of 
Spaniards, and discharged their muskets against them with 
such dexterity that they killed one horsemen with almost 
every shot. The fight continued for the space of an hour, till 
at last the Spaniards were put to flight by the Pirates. They 
stripped the dead, and took from them what they thought 
most convenient for their use. But such as were not already 
dead, they helped to quit the miseries of life with the ends of 
their muskets. 

Having vanquished the enemy, they all mounted on several 
horses they found in the field, and continued the journey 
aforementioned, Brasiliano having lost but two of his com- 
panions in this bloody fight, and had two others wounded. 
As they prosecuted their way, before they came unto the port 
they espied a boat from Campeche, well manned, that rode at 
anchor, protecting a small number of canoes that were lading 
wood. Hereupon they sent a detachment of six of their 
men to watch them; and these the next morning by a wild 
[assault] possessed themselves of the canoes. Having given 
notice unto their companions, they went all on board, and with 
no great difficulty took also the boat, or little man-of-war, 
their convoy. Thus having rendered themselves masters of 
the whole fleet, they wanted only provisions, which they found 
but very small aboard those vessels. But this defect was 
supplied by the horses, which they instantly killed and salted 
with salt, which by good fortune the woodcutters had brought 
with them. Upon which victuals they made shift to keep 
themselves until such time as they could purchase better. 

These very same Pirates, I mean Brasiliano and his com- 
panions, took also another ship that was going from New 
Spain unto Maracaibo, laden with divers sorts of merchandize, 
and a very considerable number of pieces-of-eight, which were 
designed to buy coco-nuts for their lading home. All these 
prizes they carried into Jamaica, where they safely arrived, 
and, according to their custom, wasted in a few days in taverns 
and stews all they had gotten, by giving themselves to all 
manner of debauchery with strumpets and wine. Such of 


these Pirates are found who will spend 2 or 3 thousand 
pieces-of-eight in one night, not leaving themselves peradven- 
ture a good shirt to wear on their backs in the morning. Thus 
upon a certain time I saw one of them give unto a common 
strumpet five hundred pieces-of-eight only that he might see 
her naked. My own master would buy, on like occasions, 
a whole pipe of wine, and, placing it in the street, would force 
every one that passed by to drink with him; threatening 
also to pistol them, in case they would not do it. At other 
times he would do the same with barrels of ale or beer. And, 
very often, with both his hands, he would throw these liquors 
about the streets, and wet the clothes of such as walked by, 
without regarding whether he spoiled their apparel or not, were 
they men or women. 

Among themselves, and to each other, these Pirates are 
extremely liberal and free. If any one of them has lost all 
his goods, which often happens in their manner of life, they 
freely give him, and make him partaker of what they have. In 
taverns and ale-houses they always have great credit ; but in 
such houses at Jamaica they ought not to run very deep in debt, 
seeing the inhabitants of that island do easily sell one another 
for debt. Thus it happened unto my patron, or master, to be 
sold for a debt of a tavern, wherein he had spent the greatest 
part of his money. This man had, within the space of three 
months before, 3000 pieces-of-eight in ready cash, all which 
' he wasted in that short space of time, and became so poor as 
I have told you. 

But now to return to our discourse: I must let my reader 
know that Brasiliano, after having spent all that he had 
robbed, was constrained to go to sea again, to seek his fortune 
once more. Thus he set forth towards the coast of Campeche, 
his common place of rendezvous. Fifteen days after his 
arrival there, he put himself into a canoe, with intent to 
espy the port of that city, and see if he could rob any Spanish 
vessel. But his fortune was so bad that both he and all his 
men were taken prisoners, and carried into the presence of the 
Governor. This man immediately cast them into a dungeon, 
with full intention to hang them every person. And doubt- 
less he had performed his intent, were it not for a stratagem 
that Brasiliano used, which proved sufficient to save their lives. 
He wrote therefore a letter unto the Governor, making him 


believe it came from other Pirates that were abroad at sea, and 
withal telling him: He should have a care how he used those 
persons he had in his custody. For in case he caused them any 
harm, they did swear unto him they would never give quarter to 
any person of the Spanish nation that should fall into their 
hands. | 

Because these Pirates had been many times at Campeche, 
and in many other towns and villages of the West Indies 
belonging to the Spanish dominions, the Governor began to 
fear what mischief they might cause by means of their com- 
panions abroad, in case he should punish them. Hereupon 
he released them out of prison, exacting only an oath of them 
beforehand that they would leave their exercise of piracy for 
ever. And withal he sent them as common mariners, or pas- 
sengers in the galleons, to Spain. They got in this voyage 
altogether 500 pieces-of-eight, whereby they tarried not long 
there after their arrival. But, providing themselves with 
some few necessaries, they all returned unto Jamaica within 
a little while ; whence they set forth again to sea, committing 
greater robberies and cruelties than ever they had done 
before ; but more especially abusing the poor Spaniards that 
happened to fall into their hands, with all sorts of cruelty 

# The Spaniards perceiving they could gain nothing upon 
this sort of people, nor diminish their number, which rather 
increased daily, resolved to diminish the number of their ships 
wherein they exercised trading to and fro. But neither was 
this resolution of any effect, or did them any good service. 
For the Pirates, finding not so many ships at sea as before, 
began to gather into greater companies and land upon the 
Spanish dominions, ruining whole cities, towns, and villages ; 
and withal pillaging, burning, and carrying away as much as 
they could [find] possible. 

The first Pirate who gave a beginning unto these invasions 
by land was named Lewis Scot, who sacked and pillaged the 
City of Campeche. He almost ruined the town, robbing and 
destroying all he could ; and, after he had put it to the ransom 
of an excessive sum of money, he left it. After Scot came 
another named Mansvelt, who enterprized to set footing in 
Granada, and penetrate with his piracies even unto the South 
Sea. Both which things he effected, till that at last, for want of 


provision, he was constrained to go back. He assaulted the 
isle of Saint Catharine, which was the first land he took, and 
upon it some few prisoners. These showed him the way to- 
wards Cartagena, which is a principal city situate in the king- 
dom of New Granada. But the bold attempts and actions of 
John Davis, born at Jamaica, ought not to be forgotten in 
this history, as being some of the most remarkable thereof : 
especially his rare prudence and valour, wherewith he behaved 
himself in the aforementioned kingdom of Granada. This 
Pirate, having cruized a long time in the Gulf of Pocatauro 
upon the ships that were expected from Cartagena bound for 
Nicaragua, and not being able to meet any of the said ships, 
resolved at last to land in Nicaragua, leaving his ship con- 
cealed about the coast. 

This design he presently put in execution. For taking four- 
score men, out of four-score-and-ten which he had in all (the rest 
being left to keep the ship), he divided them equally into three 
canoes. His intent was to rob the churches, and rifle the houses 
of the chief citizens of the aforesaid town of Nicaragua. Thus, in 
the obscurity of the night, they mounted the river which leads 
to that city, rowing with oars in their canoes. By day they 
concealed themselves and boats under the branches of trees 
that were upon the banks. These grow very thick and intri- 
cate along the sides of the rivers in those countries, as also 
along the sea-coast. Under which, likewise, those who re- 
mained behind absconded their vessel, lest they should be 
seen either by fishermen or Indians. After this manner they 
arrived at the city the third night, where the sentry who kept 
the post of the river thought them to be fishermen that had been 
fishing in the lake. And as the greatest part of the Pirates are 
skilful in the Spanish tongue, so he never doubted thereof as 
soon as he heard them speak. They had in their company an 
Indian, who had run away from his master because he would 
make him a slave after having served him a long time. This 
Indian went first on shore, and, rushing at the sentry, he in- 
stantly killed him. Being animated with this success, they 
entered into the city, and went directly to three or four houses 
aa chiefest citizens, where they knocked with dissimulation. 

ese, believing them to be friends, opened the doors, and the 
Pirates, suddenly possessing themselves of the houses, robbed 
all the money and plate they could find. Neither did they 


spare the churches and most sacred things, all which were 
_ pillaged and profaned without any respect or veneration. 

In the meanwhile great cries and lamentation were heard 
about the town, of some who had escaped their hands ;_ by 
which means the whole city was brought into an uproar and 
alarm. Hence the whole number of citizens rallied together, 
intending to put themselves in defence. This being perceived 
by the Pirates, they instantly put themselves to flight, carry- 
ing with them all that they had robbed, and likewise some 
prisoners. These they led away, to the intent that, if any of 
them should happen to be taken by the Spaniards, they might 
make use of them for ransom. Thus they got unto their ship, 
and with all speed imaginable put out to sea, forcing the 
prisoners, before they would let them go, to procure them as 
much flesh as they thought necessary for their voyage to 
Jamaica. But, no sooner had they weighed anchor, when they 
saw on shore a troop of about five hundred Spaniards, all 
being very well armed, at the sea-side. Against these they let 
fly several guns, wherewith they forced them to quit the sands 
and retire towards home, with no small regret to see those 
Pirates carry away so much plate of their churches and houses, 
though distant at least 40 leagues from the sea. 

These Pirates robbed on this occasion above 4000 pieces-of- 
eight in ready money, besides great quantities of plate uncoined 
and many jewels. All which was computed to be worth the sum 
of 50,000 pieces-of-eight or more. With this great purchase 
they arrived at Jamaica soon after the exploit. But, as this sort 
of people are never masters of their money but a very little 
while, so were they soon constrained to seek more, by the 
same means they had used before. This adventure caused 
Captain John Davis, presently after his return, to be chosen 
Admiral of seven or eight boats of Pirates, he being now es- 
teemed by common consent an able conductor for such enter- 
prizes as these were. He began the exercise of this new 
command by directing his fleet towards the coasts of the north 
of Cuba, there to wait for the fleet which was to pass from New 
Spain. But, not being able to find anything by this design, 
they determined to go towards the coasts of Florida. Being 
arrived there, they landed part of their men, and sacked a 
small city named Saint Augustine of Florida, the castle ot 
which place had a garrison of 200 men, the which, notwith- 


standing, could not prevent the pillage of the city, they effect- 
ing it without receiving the least damage from either soldiers 
or townsmen./ 

Hitherto we have spoken in the First Part of this book 
of the constitution of the islands of Hispaniola and Tortuga, 
their peculiarities and inhabitants ; as also of the fruits to be 
found in those countries. In the Second Part of this work 
we shall bend our discourse to describe the actions of two of 
the most famous Pirates, who committed many horrible 
crimes and inhuman cruelties against the Spanish nation. 

The End of the First Part 

. 4 i 2 Paty . * oS 


Origin of Francis L’Ollonais, and beginning of his robberies 

Z Francis L’OLLonals was native of that territory in France 
which is called Les Sables d’Ollone, or the Sands of Ollone. 
In his youth he was transported to the Caribbee Islands, in 
quality of a servant or slave, according to the custom of France 
and other countries ; of which we have already spoken in the 
First Part of this book. Being out of his time, when he had 
obtained his freedom, he came into the isle of Hispaniola. 
Here he placed himself for some while among the hunters, 
before he began his robberies against the Spaniards, whereof 
I shall make mention at present, until his unfortunate death. 

At first he made two or three voyages in quality of a common 
mariner, wherein he behaved himself so courageously as to 
deserve the favour and esteem of the Governor of Tortuga, 
who was then Monsieur de la Place. Insomuch that this 
gentleman gave him a ship, and made him captain thereof, to 
the intent he might seek his fortune. This Dame shewed 
herself very favourable to him at the beginning, for in a short 
while he purchased great riches. “But, withal, his cruelties 
against the Spaniards were such as that the very fame of them 
made him known through the whole Indies. For which rea- 
son the Spaniards, in his time, whensoever they were attacked 
by sea, would choose rather to die or sink fighting than surren- 
der, as knowing they should have no mercy nor quarter at his 
hands. But as Fortune is seldom constant, so after some time 
she turned her back unto him. The beginning of whose 
disasters was, that in a huge storm he lost his ship upon the 
coasts of Campeche. The men were all saved; but, coming 
upon dry land, the Spaniards pursued them, and killed the 

_ greatest part, wounding also L’Ollonais, their captain. Not 
knowing how to escape, he thought to save his life by a strata- 

G 81 


gem. Hereuponhe took several handfuls of sand and mingled 
them with the blood of his own wounds, with which he be- 
smeared his face and other parts of his body. Then, hiding 
himself dexterously among the dead, he continued there till 
the Spaniards had quitted the field. 

After they were gone, he retired into the woods, and bound 
up his wounds as well as he could. These being by the help 
of nature pretty well healed, he took his way to the city of 
Campeche, having perfectly disguised himself in Spanish 
habit. Here he spoke with certain slaves, unto whom he 
promised their liberty in case they would obey him and trust 
in his conduct. They accepted his promises, and, stealing one 
night a canoe from one of their masters, they went to sea with 
the Pirate. The Spaniards in the meanwhile had made 
prisoner several of his companions, whom they kept in close 
dungeons in the city, while L’Ollonais went about the town 
and saw all that passed. These were often asked by the 
Spaniards: What is become of your Captain ?, unto whom 
they constantly answered: He is dead. With which news 
the Spaniards were hugely gladded, and made great 
demonstrations of joy, kindling bonfires, and, [like] as them 
that knew nothing to the contrary, giving thanks to God 
Almighty for their deliverance from such a cruel Pirate. 
L’Ollonais, having seen these joys for his death, made haste 
to escape with the slaves above-mentioned, and came safe to 
Tortuga, the common place of refuge of all sorts of wickedness, 
and the seminary, as it were, of all manner of Pirates and 
thieves. Though now his fortune was but low, yet he failed 
not of means to get another ship, which with craft and subtlety 
he obtained, and in it one-and-twenty persons. Being well 
provided with arms and other necessaries, he set forth towards 
the isle of Cuba, on the South side whereof lies a small village, 
which is called De los Cayos. The inhabitants of this town 
drive a great trade in tobacco, sugar, and hides—and all in 
boats, as not being able to make use of ships by reason of the 
little depth of that sea. 

L’Ollonais was greatly persuaded he should get here some 
considerable prey ; but, by the good fortune of some fishermen 
who saw him and the mercy of the Almighty, they escaped 
his tyrannical hands. For the inhabitants of the town of 
Cayos despatched immediately a messenger overland unto 




DOM See RA aed ta Scare 


vu sorneb at Moats 

a had ad bad OY 





Havana, complaining unto the Governor that L’Ollonais was 
come to destroy them, with two canoes. The Governor could 
very hardly be persuaded unto the truth of this story, seeing 
he had received letters from Campeche that he was dead. 
Notwithstanding, at the importunity of the petitioners he sent a 
ship to their relief, with 10 guns and fourscore-and-ten persons, 
well armed; giving them withal this express command : 
They should not return unto his presence without having totally 
destroyed those Pirates. Unto this effect he gave them also a 
negro, who might serve them for a hangman ; his orders being 
that They should immediately hang every one of the said Pirates 
excepting L’Ollonais their Captain, whom they should bring 
alive unto Havana. This ship arrived at Cayos; of whose 
coming the Pirates were advertised beforehand ; and, instead 
of flying, went to seek the said vessel in the river Estera, where 
she rode atanchor. The Pirates apprehended some fishermen, 
and forced them by night to shew the entry of the port, hoping 
soon to obtain a greater vessel than their two canoes, and 
thereby to mend their fortune. They arrived, after two 
o'clock in the morning, very nigh unto the ship. And the 
watch on board the ship asking them: Whence they came, 
and if they had seen any Pirates abroad, they caused one of the 
prisoners to answer: They had seen no Pirates, nor anything 
else. Which answer brought them into persuasion that they 
were fled away, having heard of their coming. 

But they experienced very soon the contrary; for about 
break of day the Pirates began to assault the vessel on both 
sides with their two canoes. This attack they performed with 
such vigour that, although the Spaniards behaved themselves 
as they ought and made as good defence as they could, shooting 
against them likewise some great guns, yet they were forced to 
surrender, after being beaten by the Pirates, with swords in 
hand, down under the hatches. Hence L’Ollonais, com- 
manded them to be brought up one by one, and in this order 
caused their heads to be struck off. Among the rest came up 
the negro, designed to be the Pirates’ executioner by the 
Governor of Havana. This fellow implored mercy at his 
hands very dolefully, desiring not to be killed, and telling 
L’Ollonais he was constituted hangman of that ship ; and that, 
in case he would spare him, he would tell him faithfully all 
that he should desire to know. L’Ollonais made him confess 


as many things as he thought fit to ask him ; and, having done, 
commanded him to be murdered with the rest. “Thus he 
cruelly and barbarously put them all to death, reserving of the 
whole number only one alive, whom he sent back to the 
Governor of Havana, with this message given him in writing : 
I shall never henceforward give quarter to any Spaniard 
whatsoever ; and I have great hopes I shall execute on your 
own person the very same punishment I have done upon 
them you sent against me. Thus I have retaliated the kindness 
you designed unto me and my companions. The Governor 
was much troubled to understand these sad and withal insolent 
news ; which occasioned him to swear, in the presence of many, 
he would never grant quarter unto any Pirate that should fall 
into hishands. But the citizens of Havana desired him not to 
persist in the execution of that rash and rigorous oath, seeing 
the Pirates would certainly take occasion thence to do the same ; 
and they had an hundred times more opportunity of revenge 
than he : that, being necessitated to get their livelihood by fishery, 
they should hereafter always be in danger of losing their lives. 
By these reasons he was persuaded to bridle his anger, and 
remit the severity of his oath aforementioned. 

Now L’Ollonais had got himself a good ship, but withal 
very few provisions and people in it. Hereupon, to purchase 
both the one and the other, he resolved to use his customary 
means of cruizing from one port to another. Thus he did for 
some while, till at last, not being able to purchase anything, he 
determined to go unto the port of Maracaibo. Here he took 
by surprize a ship that was laden with plate and other merchan- 
dize, being outward bound to buy cacao-nuts. With these 
prizes he returned unto Tortuga, where he was received with no 
small joy by the inhabitants, they congratulating his happy 
success and their own private interest. He continued not 
long there, but pitched upon new designs of equipping a whole 
fleet, sufficient to transport 500 men, with all other necessaries. 
With these preparations he resolved to go unto the Spanish 
dominions, and pillage both cities, towns, and villages, and 
finally take Maracaibo itself. For this purpose, he knew the 
island of Tortuga would afford him many resolute and cour- 
ageous men, very fit for such enterprizes. Besides that, he 
had in his service several prisoners, who were exactly acquainted 
with the ways and places he designed upon. 


L’Ollonais equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish islands of 
America, with intent to rob, sack, and burn whatever he meets 

“ox this his design L’Ollonais gave notice unto all the Pirates 
who at that conjuncture of time were either at home or abroad ; 
by which means he got together in a little while above 400 
men. Besides which, there was at that present in the isle of 
Tortuga another Pirate, whose name was Michael de Basco. 
This man by his piracy had gotten riches sufficient to live at 
ease and go no more abroad to sea; having withal the office 
of Major of the island. Yet, seeing the great preparations 
that L’Ollonais made for this expedition, he entered into a 
straight league of friendship with him, and proffered unto him 
that, in case he would make him his chief Captain by land 
(seeing he knew the country very well and all its avenues), he 
would take part in his fortunes, and go along with him. They 
both agreed upon articles, with great joy of L’Ollonais, as 
knowing that Basco had performed great actions in Europe, 
and had gained the repute of a good soldier. He gave him, 
therefore, the contmand he desired, and the conduct of all his 
people by land. Thus they all embarked in eight vessels, that 
of L’Ollonais being the greatest, as having ten guns of in- 
different! carriage. 

All things being in readiness, and the whole company on 
board, they set sail together about the end of April, having a 
considerable number of men for those parts, that is in all six- 
hundred and-threescore persons. They directed their course 
towards that part which is called Bayala, situated on the North 
side of the island of Hispaniola. Here they also took into 
their company a certain number of French hunters, who volun- 
tarily offered themselves to go along with them. And here 
likewise they provided themselves with victuals and other 
necessaries for that voyage. 

1 Here in the sense of ‘unimportant’, ‘ordinary’; cf. Shakespeare, 
Taming of the Shrew, I, ii, 181: ‘ Their garters of an indifferent knit.’ 



Hence they set sail again the last day of July, and steered 
directly towards the Eastern Cape of the isle called Punta 
d’Espada. Hereabouts they suddenly espied a ship that was 
coming from Porto Rico and bound for New Spain, being laden 
with coco-nuts. L’Ollonais, the Admiral, presently commanded 
the rest of the fleet they should wait for him nigh unto the 
isle of Savona, situate on the Eastern side of Cape Punta 
d’Espada, forasmuch as he alone intended to go and take the 
said vessel, The Spaniards, although they had been in sight 
now full two hours, and knew them to be Pirates, yet they 
would not flee, but rather prepared to fight, as being well 
armed, and provided of all things necessary thereunto. Thus 
the combat began between L’Ollonais and the Spanish vessel, 
which lasted three hours ; and, these being past, they sur- 
rendered unto him. This ship was mounted with 16 guns, and 
had 50 fighting men on board. They found in her 120,000 weight 
of cacao, 40,000 pieces-of-eight, and the value of 10,000 more 
in jewels. L’Ollonais sent the vessel presently unto Tortuga 
to be unladed, with orders to return with the said ship as 
soon as possible to the isle of Savona, where he would 
wait for their coming. In the meanwhile the rest of the 
fleet, being arrived at the said island of Savona, met with 
another Spanish vessel that was coming from Comana with 
military provisions unto the isle of Hispaniola, and also with 
money to pay the garrisons of the said island. This vessel 
also they took without any resistance, although mounted with 
eight guns. Here were found seven thousand-weight of 
powder, great number of muskets and other things of this 
kind together, with 12,000 pieces-of-eight in ready money. 

These forementioned events gave good encouragement unto 
the Pirates, as judging them very good beginnings unto the 
business they had in hand, especially finding their fleet pretty 
well recruited within a little while. For, the first ship that 
was taken being arrived at Tortuga, the Governor ordered to 
be instantly unladen, and soon after sent her back with fresh 
provisions and other necessaries unto L’Ollonais. This ship 
he chose for his own, and gave that which he commanded unto 
his comrade Antony du Puis. Thus having received new 
recruits of men, in lieu of them he had lost in taking the prizes 
above-mentioned and by sickness, he found himself in a good 
condition to prosecute his voyage. All being well animated 


and full of courage, they set sail for Maracaibo, which port is 
situated in the province of New Venezuela, in the latitude of 
twelve degrees and some minutes North. This island is in 
length twenty leagues, and twelve in breadth. Unto this 
port also belong the islands of Onega and Monges. The East 
side thereof is called Cape St Roman, and the Western side 
Cape of Caquibacoa. The gulf is called by some the Gulf 
of Venezuela, but the Pirates usually call it the Bay of 

At the beginning of this gulf are two islands, which extend 
for the greatest part from East to West. That [which] lies 
towards the East is called Isla de las Vigilias, or the Watch 
Isle, because in the middle thereof is to be seen a high hill, upon 
which stands a house wherein dwells perpetually a watchman. 
The other is called Isla de las Palomas, or the Isle of Pigeons. 
Between these two islands runs a little sea, or rather a lake, of 
fresh water, being three-score leagues in length and 30 in 
breadth ; which disgorges into the ocean, and dilates itself 
about the two islands aforementioned. Between them is 
found the best passage for ships, the channel of this passage 
being no broader than the flight of a great gun of eight pound 
carriage, more or less. Upon the Isle of Pigeons stands a 
castle to impede the entry of any vessels; all such as will 
come in being necessitated to approach very nigh unto the 
castle, by reason of two banks of sand that lie on the other 
side, with only 14 foot water. Many other banks of sand are 
also found in this lake, as that which is called El Tablazo, or 
The Great Table, which is no deeper than ten foot ; but this 
lies forty leagues within the lake. Others there are that are no 
more than 6, 7, or 8 foot in depth. All of them are very 
dangerous, especially unto such mariners as are little ac- 
quainted with this lake. On the West side hereof is situated 
the city of Maracaibo, being very pleasant to the view, by 
reason its houses are built along the shore, having delicate 
prospects everywhere round about. The city may possibly 
contain three or four thousand persons, the slaves being 
included in this number; all which do make a town of a 
reasonable bigness. Among these are judged to be eight 
hundred persons, more or less, able to bear arms, all of them 
Spaniards. Here are also one Parish Church, of very good 
fabric and well adorned, four monasteries, and one hospital. 


The city is governed by a Deputy-Governor, who is sub- 
stituted here by the Governor of Caracas, as being his depen- 
dency. The commerce or trading here exercised consists for 
the greatest part in hides and tobacco. The inhabitants 
possess great numbers of cattle and many plantations, 
which extend for the space of thirty leagues within the country, 
especially on that side that looks towards the great and 
populous town of Gibraltar. At which place are gathered 
huge quantities of cacao-nuts, and all other sorts of garden- 
fruits, which greatly serve for the regalement and sustenance 
of the inhabitants of Maracaibo, whose territories are much 
drier than those of Gibraltar. Unto this place those of 
Maracaibo send great quantities of flesh ; they making returns ~ 
in oranges, lemons, and several other fruits. For the in- 
habitants of Gibraltar have great scarcity of provisions of 
flesh, their fields being not capable of feeding cows or sheep. 
Before the city of Maracaibo lies a very spacious and secure 
port, wherein may be built all sort of vessels; as having 
great convenience of timber, which may be transported thither 
at very little charge. Nigh unto the town lies also a small 
island called Borrica, which serves them to feed great numbers 
of goats, of which cattle the inhabitants of Maracaibo make 
greater use of their skins than their flesh or milk ; they mak- 
ing no great account of these two, unless while they are as yet 
but tender and young kids. In the fields about the town are 
fed some numbers of sheep, but of a very small size. In some 
of the islands that belong unto the lake, and in other places 
hereabouts, do inhabit many savage Indians, whom the 
Spaniards call bravos, or Wild. These Indians could never 
agree as yet, nor be reduced to any accord with the Spaniards, 
by reason of their brutish and untamable nature. They dwell 
for the most part towards the Western side of the lake, in 
little huts that are built upon trees which grow in the water, 
the cause hereof being only to exempt themselves as much as 
possible from the innumerable quantity of mosquitos or gnats 
that infest those parts, and by which they are tormented night 
and day. Towards the East side of the said lake are also to 
be seen whole towns of fishermen, who likewise are con- 
strained to live in huts, built upon trees, like unto the former. 
Another reason of thus dwelling is the frequent inundations 
of waters ; for, after great rains, the land is often overflowed 


for the space of 2 or 3 leagues, there being no less than five- 
and-twenty great rivers that feed this lake. The town of 
Gibraltar is also frequently drowned by these inundations, 
insomuch that the inhabitants are constrained to leave their 
houses and retire unto their plantations. 

Gibraltar is situated at the side of the lake, forty leagues or 
thereabouts within it, and receives its necessary provisions 
of flesh, as has been said, from Maracaibo. The town is 
inhabited by 1500 persons, more or less, whereof 400 may be 
capable of bearing arms. The greatest part of the inhabitants 
keep open shops, wherein they exercise one mechanic trade or 
other. All the adjacent fields about this town are cultivated 
with numerous plantations of sugar and cacao, in which are 
many tall and beautiful trees, of whose timber houses may be 
built, and also ships. Among these trees are found great 
store of handsome and proportionable cedars, being seven or 
eight foot in circumference, which serve there very commonly 
to build’ boats and ships. These they build after such 
manner as to bear one only great sail; and such vessels 
are called piraguas. The whole country round about is 
sufficiently furnished with rivers and brooks, which are 
very useful to the inhabitants in time of droughts, they 
opening in that occasion many little channels, through which 
they lead the rivulets to water their fields and plantations. 
They plant in like manner great quantity of tobacco, which 
is much esteemed in Europe ; and for its goodness is called 
there Tabaco de Sacerdotes, or Priests’ Tobacco. They enjoy 
nigh twenty leagues of jurisdiction, which is bounded and 
defended by very high mountains that are perpetually covered 

- with snow. On the other side of these mountains is situated 

a great city called Merida, unto which the town of Gibraltar 
is subject. All sort of merchandize is carried from this 
town unto the aforesaid city upon mules ; and that but at one 
season of the year, by reason of the excessive cold endured in 
those high mountains. Upon the said mules great returns 
are made in flour of meal, which comes from towards Peru by 
the way of Estaffe. 

Thus far I thought it convenient to make a short descrip- 
tion of the aforesaid lake of Maracaibo, and its situation; to 
the intent my reader might the better be enabled to compre- 
hend what I shall say concerning what was acted by the 


Pirates in this place, the history whereof I shall presently 

As soon as L‘Ollonais arrived at the Gulf of Venezuela, he 
cast anchor with his whole fleet, out of sight of the watch- 
tower of the island of Vigilias, or Watch Isle. The next day, 
very early, he set sail hence, with all his ships, for the lake of 
Maracaibo ; where, being arrived, they cast anchor the second 
time. Soon after, they landed all their men, with design to 
attack in the first place the castle or fortress that commanded 
the bar, and is therefore called Dela Barra. This fort consists 
only of several great baskets of earth, placed upon a rising 
ground, upon which are planted sixteen great guns, with several 
other heaps of earth round about, for covering the men within. 
The Pirates, having landed at a distance of a league from this 
fort, began to advance by degrees towards it. But the 
Governor thereof, having espied their landing, had placed an 
ambuscade of some of his men, with design to cut them off 
behind, while he meant to attack them in the front. This 
ambuscade was found out by the Pirates; and, hereupon 
getting before, they assaulted and defeated it so entirely that 
not one man could retreat unto the castle. This obstacle 
being removed, L‘Ollonais with all his companions advanced 
in great haste towards the fort. And after a fight of almost 
three hours, wherein they behaved themselves with desperate 
courage, such as this sort of people are used to show, they 
became masters thereof, having made use of no other arms than 
their swords and pistols. And, while they were fighting, 
those who were routed in the ambuscade, not being able to get 
into the castle, retired towards the city of Maracaibo in great 
confusion and disorder, crying: The Pirates will presently 
be here with two-thousand men and more. ‘This city, having 
formerly been taken by such kind of people as these were, 
and sacked even to the remotest corners thereof, pre- 
served still in its memory a fresh zdea of that misery. Here- 
upon, as soon as they heard this dismal news, they endeavoured 
to escape as fast as they could towards Gibraltar in their boats 
and canoes, carrying with them all the goods and money they 
could. Being come to Gibraltar, they dispersed the rumours 
that the fortress was taken, and that nothing had been saved, 
nor any person able to escape the fury of the Pirates. 

The castle being taken by the Pirates, as was said before, 


they presently made sign unto the ships of the victory they 
had obtained, to the end they should come farther in, without 
apprehension of any danger. The rest of that day was spent 
in ruining and demolishing the said castle. They nailed the 
guns, and burnt as much as they could not carry away ; bury- 
ing also the dead, and sending on board the fleet such as were 
wounded. The next day very early in the morning they 
weighed anchor, and directed their course all together towards 
the city of Maracaibo, distant only 6 leagues more or less from 
the fort. But the wind being very scarce, that day they 
could advance but little, as being forced to expect the 
flowing of the tide. The next morning they came within 
sight of the town, and began to make preparations for landing 
under the protection of their own guns, being persuaded the 
Spaniards might have laid an ambuscade among the trees and 
woods. Thus they put their men into canoes, which for that 
purpose they brought with them, and landed where they 
thought most convenient, shooting in the meanwhile very 
furiously with their great guns. Of the people that were in 
the canoes, half only went on shore; the other half re- 
mained on board the said canoes. They fired with their 
guns from the ships as fast as was possible towards the woody 
part of the shore; but could see, and were answered by, 
nobody. Thus they marched in good order into the town, 
whose inhabitants, as I told you before, were all retired into 
the woods, and towards Gibraltar, with their wives, children, 
and families. Their houses they left well provided with all 
sort of victuals, such as flour, bread, pork, brandy, wines, and 
good store of poultry. With these things the Pirates fell to 
banqueting and making good cheer ; for in four weeks before 
they had had no opportunity of filling their stomachs with 
such plenty. 

They instantly possessed themselves of the best houses in 
the town, and placed sentries everywhere they thought 
convenient. The great church served them for their main 
corps du garde. The next day they sent a body of 160 men 
to find out some of the inhabitants of the town, whom they 
understood were hidden in the woods not far thence. These 
returned that very night, bringing with them 20,000 pieces-of- 
eight, several mules laden with household goods and merchan- 
dize, and 20 prisoners, between men, women, and children. 


Some of these prisoners were put to the rack, only to make 
them confess where they had hidden the rest of their goods ; 
but they could extort very little from them. L’Ollonais, 
who never used to make any great account of murdering, 
though in cold blood, ten or twelve Spaniards, drew his 
cutlass and hacked one to pieces in the presence of all the 
rest, saying : If you do not confess and declare where you have 
hidden the rest of your goods, I will do the like to all your com- 
panions. At last, amongst these horrible cruelties and in- 
human threats, one was found who promised to conduct him 
and show the place where the rest of the Spaniards were hidden. 
But those that were fled, having intelligence that one had 
discovered their lurking holes unto the Pirates, changed place, 
and buried all the remnant of their riches underground, inso- 
much that the Pirates could not find them out, unless some 
other person of their own party should reveal them. Besides 
that, the Spaniards, flying from one place to another every 
day and often changing woods, were jealous even of each 
other, insomuch as the father scarce presumed to trust his 
own son. 

Finally, after that the Pirates had been fifteen days in 
Maracaibo, they resolved to go towards Gibraltar. But the 
inhabitants of this place, having received intelligence thereof 
beforehand, as also that they intended afterwards to go to 
Merida, gave notice of this design to the Governor thereof, who 
was a valiant soldier and had served his king in Flanders in 
many military offices. His answer was: He would have 
them take no care ; for he hoped in a little while to exterminate 
the said Pirates. Whereupon he transferred himself immedi- 
ately unto Gibraltar, with 400 men well armed, ordering at 
the same time the inhabitants of the said town to put them- 
selves in arms; so that in all he made a body of 800 fighting 
men. With the same speed he commanded a battery to be 
raised towards the sea, whereon he mounted 20 guns, covering 
them all with great baskets of earth. Another battery like- 
wise he placed in another place, mounted with 8 guns. After 
this was done, he barricaded a highway or narrow passage 
into the town, through which the Pirates of necessity ought 
to pass; opening at the same time another, through much 
dirt and mud, in the wood, which was totally unknown to the 


The Pirates, not knowing anything of these preparations, 
having embarked all their prisoners and what they had robbed, 
took their way towards Gibraltar. Being come within sight 
of the place, they perceived the Royal standard hanging forth, 
and that those of the town had a mind to fight and defend 
their houses. L’Ollonais, seeing this resolution, called a 
council of war, to deliberate what he ought to do in such case ; 
propounding withal unto his officers and marines, that the 
difficulty of such an enterprize was very great, seeing the 
Spaniards had had so much time to put themselves in a posture 
of defence, and had gotten a good body of men together, with 
many martial provisions. But notwithstanding, said he, have 
@ good courage. We must either defend ourselves like good 
soldiers, or lose our lives with all the riches we have gotten. Do 
as I shall do, who am your Captain. At other times we have 
fought with fewer men than we have in our company at present, 
and yet we have overcome greater numbers than there possibly 
can be in this town. The more they are, the more glory we shall 
attribute unto our fortune, and the greater riches we shall increase 
unto it. The Pirates were under this suspicion, that all those 
riches which the inhabitants of Maracaibo had absconded, were 
transported unto Gibraltar, or at least the greatest part thereof. 
After this speech, they all promised to follow him and obey 
very exactly his commands. Unto whom L’Ollonais made 
answer: ‘T1s well; but know ye withal that the first man who 
shall show ‘any fear, or the least apprehension thereof, I will 
pistol him with my own hands. 

With this resolution they cast anchor nigh the shore, at 
the distance of one quarter of a league from the town. The 
next day, before sunrising, they were all landed, being to the 
number of three-hundred-and-four-score men, well provided, 
and armed every one with a cutlass and one or two pistols ; 
and withal sufficient powder and bullet for 30 charges. Here, 
upon the shore, they all shook hands with one another in 
testimony of good courage, and began their march, L’Ollonais 
speaking these words to them: Come, my brothers, follow me, 
and have a good courage. They followed their way with a 
guide they had provided. But he, believing he led them well, 
brought them to the way which the Governor had obstructed 
with barricades. Through this not being able to pass, they 
went unto the other which was newly made in the wood among 


the mire, unto which the Spaniards could shoot at pleasure. 
Notwithstanding, the Pirates, being full of courage, cut down 
multitude of branches of trees, and threw them in the dirt 
upon the way, to the end they might not stick so fast in it. 
In the meanwhile, those of Gibraltar fired at them with their 
great guns so furiously that they could scarce hear or see one 
another through the noise and smoke. Being now past the 
wood, they came upon firm ground, where they met with a 
battery of 6 guns, which immediately the Spaniards discharged 
against them, all being loaded with small bullets and pieces of 
iron. After this, the Spaniards, sallying forth, set upon them 
with such fury as caused the Pirates to give way and retire, 
very few of them daring to advance towards the fort. They 
continued still firing against the Pirates, of whom they had 
already killed and wounded many. This made them go back 
to seek some other way through the middle of the wood ; but, 
the Spaniards having cut down many trees to hinder the pass- 
age, they could find none, and thus were forced to return unto 
that they had left. Here the Spaniards continued to fire as 
before ; neither would they sally out of their batteries to attack 
the Piratesany more. Hereby L’Ollonais and his companions, 
not being able to grimp! up the baskets of earth, were compelled 
to make use of an old stratagem—wherewith at last they 
deceived and overcame the Spaniards. 

L’Ollonais retired suddenly with all his men, making show 
as if he fled. Hereupon the Spaniards, crying out : They flee, 
they flee ; let us follow them, sallied forth with great disorder, to 
pursue the fugitive Pirates. After they had drawn them 
some distance from their batteries, which was their only 
design, they turned upon them, unexpectedly with swords in 
hand, and killed above two hundred men. And thus fighting 
their way through those who remained alive, they possessed 
themselves of the batteries. The Spaniards that remained 
abroad gave themselves up for lost, and consequently took 
their flight unto the woods. The other part that was in the 
battery of eight guns surrendered themselves upon conditions 

1 French grimper, to climb, cause to mount, raise. Grymp is used in 
St Brandan, p. 20, in the sense of to ‘ grip’: Halliwell (Dict. of Archaic 
Words) suggests a possible misprint. Mr. Grant Allen uses the word in 
his Scallywag [1893], i, 44: ‘‘ How the little beasts grimp . . . such 
plucky little beggars, and so strong for their size !’’ 


of obtaining quarter for their lives. The Pirates, being now 
become masters of the whole town, pulled down the Spanish 
colours, and set up their own, taking prisoners at the same time 
as many as they could find. These they carried unto the 
great church, whither also they transferred many great guns, 
wherewith they raised a battery to defend themselves, fearing 
lest the Spaniards that were fled should rally more of their own 
party and come upon them again. But the next day, after 
they were all fortified, all their fears disappeared. They 
gathered all the dead, with intent to allow them burial, finding 
the number of above 500 Spaniards killed, besides those that 
were wounded within the town and those that died of their 
wounds in the woods, where they sought for refuge. Besides 
which, the Pirates had in their custody above 150 prisoners, 
and nigh 500 slaves, many women and children. 

Of their own companions the Pirates found only forty dead, 
and almost as many more wounded. Whereof the greatest 
part died afterwards, through the constitution of the air, 
which brought fevers and other accidents upon them. They 
put all the Spaniards that were slain into two great boats, 
and carrying them one-quarter-of-a-league within the sea, 
they sank the boats. These things being done, they gathered 
all the plate, household stuff, and merchandize they could rob 
or thought convenient to carry away. But the Spaniards who 
had anything as yet left unto them, hid it very carefully. 
Soon after, the Pirates, as if they were unsatisfied with the 
great riches they had gotten, began to seek for more goods and 
merchandize, not sparing those who lived in the fields, such as 
hunters and planters. They had scarce been eighteen days 
upon the place, when the greatest part of the prisoners they had 
taken died of hunger. For in the town very few provisions, 
especially of flesh, were to be found. Howbeit, they had some 
quantity of flour of meal, although perhaps something less than 
what was sufficient. But this the Pirates had taken into their 
custody to make bread for themselves. As to the swine, cows, 
sheep, and poultry that were found upon the place, they took 
them likewise for their own sustenance, without allowing any 
share thereof unto the poor prisoners. For these they only 
provided some small quantity of mules’ and asses’ flesh, which 
they killed for that purpose. And such as could not eat of 
that loathsome provision were constrained to die of hunger, as 



many did, their stomachs not being accustomed to such unusual 
sustenance. Only some women were found, who were allowed 
better cheer by the Pirates, because they served them in their 
sensual delights, unto which those robbers are hugely given. 
Among those women, some had been forced, others were volun- 
teers ; though almost all had rather taken up that vice through 
poverty and hunger more than any other cause. Of the 
prisoners many also died under the torments they sustained, to 
make them confess where they had hidden their money or jewels. 
And of these, some, because they had none nor knew of none, 
and others for denying what they knew, endured such horrible 

Finally, after having been in possession of the town four 
entire weeks, they sent four of the prisoners remaining alive 
unto the Spaniards that were fled into the woods, demanding 
of them a ransom for not burning the town. The sum hereof 
they constituted 10,000 pieces-of-eight, which, unless it were 
sent unto them, they threatened to fire and reduce into ashes 
the whole village. For bringing in of this money they allowed 
them only the space of two days. These being past, and the 
Spaniards not having been able to gather so punctually such 
a sum, the Pirates began to set fire to many places of the town. 
Thus the inhabitants, perceiving the Pirates to be in earnest, 
begged of them tohelp to extinguish the fire; and withal promised 
the ransom should be readily paid. The Pirates condescended 
to their petition, helping as much as they could to stop the 
progress ofthe fire. Yet, though they used the best endeavours 
they possibly could, one part of the town was ruined, especially 
the church belonging to the monastery, which was burnt even 
to dust. After they had received the sum above-mentioned, 
they carried on board their ships all the riches they had robbed, 
together with a great number of slaves which had not as yet 
paidtheirransom. For all the prisoners had sums of money set 
upon them, and the slaves were also commanded to be re- 
deemed. Hence they returned to Maracaibo, where being 
arrived they found a general consternation in the whole city. 
Unto which they sent three or four prisoners to tell the gover- 
nor and inhabitants : They should bring them 30,000 pieces-of- 
eight on board their ships, for a ransom of their houses , other- 
wise they should be entirely sacked anew and burnt. 

Among these debates a certain party of Pirates came on 


shore to rob, and these carried away the images, the pictures, 
and bells of the great church, on board the fleet. The Span- 
iards, who were sent to demand of those who were fled the sum 
aforementioned, returned with orders to make some agree- 
ment with the Pirates. This they performed, and concluded 
with the Pirates they would give for their ransom and liberty 
the sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight and 500 cows. The con- 
dition hereof being that they should commit no farther acts 
of hostility against any person, but should depart thence 
presently after payment of the money and cattle. The one 
and the other being delivered, they set sail with the whole fleet, 
causing great joy unto the inhabitants of Maracaibo to see 
themselves quit of this sort of people. Notwithstanding, three 
days after they resumed their fears and admiration, seeing the 
Pirates to appear again and re-enter the port they had left 
with all their ships. But these apprehensions soon vanished, 
by only hearing one of the Pirates’ errand, who came on shore to 
tell them from L’Ollonais : They should send him a skilful Pilot 
to conduct one of his greatest ships over the dangerous bank that 
lies at the entry of thelake. Which petition, or rather command, 
was instantly granted. 

The Pirates had now been full two months in those towns, 
wherein they committed those cruel and insolent actions we 
have told you of. Departing therefore thence, they took their 
course towards the island Hispaniola, and arrived thither in 
eight days, casting anchor in a port called Isla de la Vaca, or 
Cow Island. This isle is inhabited by French Buccaneers, 
who most commonly sell the flesh they hunt unto Pirates and 
others who now and then put in there with intent of victualling 
or trading with them. Here they unladed the whole car- 
gazons! of riches they had robbed—the usual storehouse of the 
Pirates being commonly under the shelter of the Buccaneers. 
Here also they made a dividend amongst them of all their 
prizes and gains, according to that order and degree which 
belonged unto every one, as hath been mentioned above. 
Having cast up the account and made exact calculation of all 
they had purchased, they found in ready money 260,000 pieces- 
of-eight. Whereupon, this being divided, every one received 

1 Spanish for cargo: cf. ‘‘ There should come in euery ship the 
fourth part of her cargason in money ’’—Hakluyt, Voyages [1583], 
vol. II, i, p. 246. (Arber’s English Garner, vol. iii, p. 172.) 


to his share in money, and also in pieces of silk, linen, and other 
commodities, the value of above 100 pieces-of-eight. Those 
who had been wounded in this expedition received their part 
before all the rest ; I mean, such recompenses as I spoke of in 
the First Book, for the loss of their limbs which many sustained. 
Afterwards they weighed all the plate that was uncoined, 
reckoning after the rate of 10 pieces-of-eight for every pound. 
The jewels were prized with much variety, either at too high 
or too low rates ; being thus occasioned by their own ignor- 
ance. This being done, every one was put to his oath again 
that he had not concealed anything nor substracted from the 
common stock. Hence they proceeded to the dividend of 
what shares belonged to such as were dead amongst them, 
either in battle or otherwise. These shares were given to their 
friends to be kept entire for them, and to be delivered in due 
time unto their nearest relations, or whomsoever should appear 
to be their lawful heirs. .- 

The whole dividend being entirely finished, they set sail 
thence for the isle of Tortuga. Here they arrived one month 
after, to the great joy of most that were upon the island. For, 
as to the common Pirates, in three weeks they had scarce any 
money left them, having spent it all in things of little value, or 
at play either of cards or dice. Here also arrived, not long 
before them, two French ships laden with wine and brandy 
and other things of this kind; whereby these liquors, at the 
arrival of the Pirates, were sold indifferent cheap. But this’ 
lasted not long ; for soon after they were enhanced extremely, 
a gallon of brandy being sold for 4 pieces-of-eight. The 
Governor of the island bought of the Pirates the whole cargo 
of the ship laden with cacao, giving them for that rich com- 
modity scarce the twentieth part of what it was worth. Thus 
they made shift to lose and spend the riches they had got in 
much less time than they were purchased by robbing. The 
taverns and stews, according to the custom of Pirates, 
got the greatest part thereof, insomuch that soon after they 
were constrained to seek more by the same unlawful means 
they had obtained the preceding. 

he Manges “ee 
? "vy 


L’Ollonais makes new preparations to take the city of St James 
de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua, where he miserably 

_L’Ottonats had got himself very great esteem and repute at 

Tortuga by this last voyage, by reason he brought them home 
such considerable profit. And now he needed take no great 
care how to gather men to serve under his colours, seeing more 
came in voluntarily to proffer their service unto him than he 
could employ, every one reposing such great confidence in his 
conduct for seeking their fortunes that they judged it a 
matter of the greatest security imaginable to expose them- 
selves in his company to the hugest dangers that might possibly 
occur. He resolved, therefore, for a second voyage, to go with 
his officers and soldiers towards the parts of Nicaragua, and 
pillage there as many towns as he could meet. 

Having published his new preparations, he had all his men 
together at the time appointed, being about the number of 
700, more or less. Of these he put 300 on board the ship he 
took at Maracaibo, and the rest in other vessels of lesser 
burden, which were five more ; so that the whole number were 
in all six ships. The first port they went unto was in the 
island of Hispaniola, to a place called Bayala, where they 
determined to victual the fleet and take in provisions. This 
being done, they set sail thence, and steered their course to a 
port called Matamana, lying on the South side of the isle of 
Cuba. Their intent was to take here all the canoes they could 
meet, these coasts being frequented by a huge number of fisher- 
men of tortoises, who carry them thence unto Havana. They 
took as many of the said canoes, to the great grief of those 
miserable people, as they thought necessary for their designs. 
For they had great necessity of these small bottoms, by reason 
the port whither they designed to go was not of depth sufficient 



to bear ships of any burden. Hence they took their course 
towards the cape called Gracias a Dios, situate upon the 
continent in latitude fifteen degrees North, at the distance of 
one hundred leagues from the island De los Pinos. But, being 
out at sea, they were taken with a sad and tedious calm, and by 
the agitation of the waves alone were thrown into the Gulf of 
Honduras. Here they laboured very much to regain what 
they had lost, but all in vain ; both the waters in their course 
and the winds being contrary to their endeavours. Besides 
that, the ship wherein L’Ollonais was embarked could not 
follow the rest; and, what was worse, they wanted already 
provisions. Hereupon they were forced to put into the first 
port or bay they could reach, to revictual their fleet. Thus 
they entered with their canoes into a river called Xagua, 
inhabited by Indians, whom they totally robbed and destroyed; 
they finding amongst their goods great quantity of millet, 
many hogsandhens. Not contented with what they had done, 
they determined to remain there until the bad weather was 
over, and to pillage all the towns and villages lying along the 
coast of the gulf. Thus they passed from one place to another, 
seeking as yet more provisions, by reason they had not what 
they wanted for the accomplishment of their designs. Having 
searched and rifled many vilages, where they found no great 
matter, they came at last to Puerto Cavallo. In this port 
the Spaniards have two several storehouses, which serve 
to keep the merchandize that are brought from the inner parts 
of the country until the arrival of the ships. There was in the 
port at that occasion a Spanish ship mounted with four-and- 
twenty guns and sixteen fedreros! or mortar-pieces. This 
ship was immediately seized by the Pirates ; and then, drawing 
nigh the shore, they landed and burnt the two storehouses, 
with all the rest of the houses belonging to the place. Many 
inhabitants likewise they took prisoners and committed upon 
them the most insolent and inhuman cruelties that ever 
heathens invented, putting them to the cruellest tortures 
they could imagine or devise. It was the custom of L’Ollonais 

1 Pedrero (Spanish), a swivel-gun, used for firing off stones, scraps of 
iron, etc. Cf. Barret, Theorie of Warres [1598]: ‘the cannon and 
double cannon; the Pedrera, Basilisco, and such like.’ Anglicized as 
patarero. Cf. Angelo and Carli, Congo [1700; in Pinkerton’s Voyages, 
XVI, p. 180]: ‘ The ship carried fifty guns, four-and-twenty patare- 
roes, and other necessaries,’ 


that, having tormented any persons and they not confessing, 
he would instantly cut them in pieces with his anger, and pull 
out their tongues; desiring to do the same, if possible, to 
every Spaniard in the world. Oftentimes it happened that 
some of these miserable prisoners, being forced thereunto by 
the rack, would promise to discover the places where the 
fugitive Spaniards lay hidden ; which being not able afterwards 
to perform, they were put to more enormous and cruel deaths 
than they who were dead before. 

The prisoners being all dead and annihilated (excepting 
only two, whom they reserved to show them what they 
desired), they marched hence to the town of San Pedro, or 
St Peter, distant 10 or 12 leagues from Puerto Cavallo, having 
in their company 300 men, whom L’Ollonais led, and leaving 
behind him Moses van Vin for his lieutenant to govern the rest 
in his absence. Being come 3 leagues upon their way, they 
met with a troop of Spaniards, who lay in ambuscade for their 
coming. These they set upon with all the courage imaginable, 
and at last totally defeated, howbeit they behaved themselves 
very manfully at the beginning of the fight. But, not being 
able to resist the fury of the Pirates, they were forced to give 
way and save themselves by flight, leaving many Pirates dead 
upon the place and wounded, as also some of their own party 
maimed by the way. These L’Ollonais put to death without 
mercy, having asked them what questions he thought fit for 
his purpose. 

There were still remaining some few prisoners who were not 
wounded. These were asked by L’Ollonais if any more 
Spaniards did lie farther on in ambuscade: unto whom they 
answered, there were. Then he commanded them to be 
brought before him, one by one, and asked if there was no 
other way to be found to the town but that. This he did out 
of a design to excuse, if possible, those ambuscades. But they 
all constantly answered him, they knew none. Having asked 
them all, and finding they could show him no other way, 
L’Ollonais grew outrageously passionate ; insomuch that he 
drew his cutlass, and with it cut open the breast of one of those 
poor Spaniards, and, pulling out his heart with his sacrilegious 
hands, began to bite and gnaw it with his teeth like a ravenous 
wolf, saying to the rest: J will serve you all alike if you show 
me not another way. 


Hereupon those miserable wretches promised to show him 
another way; but withal they told him it was extremely 
difficult and laborious. Thus, to satisfy that cruel tyrant, 
they began to lead him and his army. But finding it not for 
his purpose, even as they told him, he was constrained unto 
return to the former way, swearing with great choler and 
indignation: Mort Dieu, les Espagnols me le payeront! 
(By God’s death, the Spaniards shall pay me for this ! ). 

The next day he fell into another ambuscade, the which 
he assaulted with such horrible fury that in less than an hour’s 
time he routed the Spaniards, and killed the greatest part of 
them. The Spaniards were persuaded that by these ambus- 
cades they should better be able to destroy the Pirates, assault- 
ing them by degrees ; and for this reason had posted them- 
selves in several places. At last he met with a third ambus- 
cade, where was placed a party of Spaniards both stronger and 
to greater advantage than the former. Yet, notwithstanding, 
the Pirates, by throwing with their hands little fireballs in 
great number, and continuing to do so for some time, forced 
this party, as well as the preceding, to flee; and this with 
such great loss of men as that, before they could reach the town, 
the greatest part of the Spaniards were either killed or wounded. 
There was but one path which led to the town. This path was 
very well barricaded with good defences ; and the rest of the 
town round about was planted with certain shrubs or trees 
named vaqueltes, very full of thorns and these very sharp- 
pointed. This sort of fortification seemed stronger than the 
triangles which are used in Europe, when an army is of 
necessity to pass by the place of an enemy, it being almost 
impossible for the Pirates to traverse those shrubs. The 
Spaniards that were posted behind the said defences, seeing 
the Pirates come, began to shoot at them with their great guns. 
But these, perceiving them ready to fire, used to stoop down, 
and, when the shot was made, fall upon the defendants with 
fireballs in hands and naked swords, killing with these weapons 
many of the town. Yet, notwithstanding, not being able to 
advance any farther, they were constrained to retire for 
the first time. Afterwards they returned to the attack again, 
with fewer men than before ; and, observing not to shoot till 
they were very near, they gave the Spaniards a charge so 
dexterously that with every shot they killed an enemy, 

Ae vee 

eS SS ee 


“L’Ollonais . . . drew his cutlass, and with it cut open the breast 
of one of those poor Spaniards, and, pulling out his heart with his 
sacrilegious hands, began to bite and gnaw it with his teeth’’ (p. 103). 

The attack continuing thus eager on both sides till night, 

_ the Spaniards were compelled to hang forth a white flag, in 

token of truce and that they desired to come toa parley. The 

_ only conditions they required for delivering the town were : 
_ That the Pirates should give the inhabitants quarter for two hours, 
_ This short space of time they demanded, with intent to carry 
_ away and abscond as much of their goods and riches as they 

_ could, as also to flee to some other neighbouring town. Upon 

eee Oe aS le anaes T= 

= « wae 

aa ok 

the agreement of this article they entered the town, and 
continued there the two hours above-mentioned, without 
committing the least act of hostility or causing any trouble 

_tothe inhabitants. But no sooner that time was passed than 
-L’Ollonais ordered the inhabitants should be followed and 

robbed of all they had carried away ; and not only goods, but 
their persons, likewise, to be made all prisoners. Notwith- 
standing, the greatest part of their merchandize and goods 
were in such manner absconded as the Pirates could not find 
them ; they meeting only a few leathern sacks that were filled 
with anil, or indigo!. 

Having stayed at this town some few days, and according to 
their usual customs committed there most horrid insolences, 
they at last quitted the place, carrying away with them all 
that they possibly could, and reducing the town totally into 
ashes. Being come to the seaside, where they left a party of 
their own comrades, they found these had busied themselves 
in cruizing upon the fishermen that lived thereabouts or came 
that way from the river of Guatemala. In this river also was 
expected a ship that was to come from Spain. Finally they 
resolved to go towards the islands that lie on the other side of 
the gulf, there to cleanse and careen their vessels. But in the 
meanwhile they left two canoes before the coast, or rather the 
mouth of the river of Guatemala, to the intent they should 
take the ship which, as I said before, was expected from Spain. 

But their chief intention of going to those islands was to 
seek provisions, as knowing the tortoises of those places are 
very excellent and pleasant food. As soon as they arrived 
there, they divided into troops, each party choosing a fit post 
for that fishery. Every one of them undertook to knit a net 

1 The West Indian indigo plant, Indigofera anil. Cf. Linschoten, 
Voyages, Bk. i, vol. i, p. 61 (ed. 1885) : ‘ annell or indigo groweth onely 
in Cambaia.’ 


with the rinds of certain trees called in those parts macoa. Of 
these rinds they make also ropes and cables for the service of 
ships ; insomuch that no vessel can be in need of such things 
whensoever they can but find the said trees. There are also in 
those parts many places where they find pitch!, which is 
gathered thereabouts in great abundance. The quantity hereof 
is so great that, running down the sea-coasts being melted by 
the heat of the sun, it congeals in the water into great heaps, 
and represents the shape of small islands. This pitch is not 
like unto that we have in the countries of Europe, but is hugely 
like, both in colour and shape, that froth of the sea which is 
called by the naturalists bitumen. But in my judgment 
this matter is nothing else but wax, which stormy weather has 
cast into the sea, being part of that huge quantity which in the 
neighbouring territories is made by the bees. Thus from 
places far distant from the sea it is also brought to the sea- 
coast by the winds and rolling waves of great rivers; being 
likewise mingled with sand, and having the smell of black 
amber, such as is sent us from the Orient. In those parts are 
found great quantities of the said bees, who make their honey 
in trees; whence it happens that the honey-combs being 
fixed unto the bodies of the trees, when tempests arise they 
are torn away, and by the fury of the winds carried into the 
sea, as has been said before. Some naturalists are willing to 
say that between the honey and the wax is made a separation 
by means of the salt water, whence proceeds also the good 
amber. This opinion is rendered the more probable because 
the said amber, being found and tasted, it affords the like taste 
as wax does. 

But now, returning to my discourse, I shall let you know 
that the Pirates made in those islands all the haste to equip 
their vessels they could possibly, by reason they had news the 
Spanish ship which they expected was come. They spent 
some time in cruizing upon the coasts of Yucatan, whereabouts 
inhabit many Indians, who seek for the amber above-mentioned 
in those seas. But seeing we are come to this place, I shall 
here, by the by, make some short remarks on the manner of 
living of these Indians, and the divine worship which they 

1 The pitch lake of La Brea, Trinidad, is celebrated. Asphalt is an 
important article of export from Trinidad at the present day. 

ne a eee 




The Indians of the coasts of Yucatan have now been above 

_ one hundred years under the dominion of the Spaniards. 
_ Unto this nation they performed all manner of service ; for, 

whensoever any of them had need of a slave or servant, they 
sent to seek one of these Indians to serve them as long as they 
pleased. By the Spaniards they were initiated at first in the 

_ principles of Christian faith and religion. Being thus made a 
_ part of Christianity, they used to send them every Sunday and 
holiday through the whole year a priest to perform divine 
_ service among them. Afterwards, for what reasons are not 
_ known, but certainly through evil temptations of the Father 
_ of Idolatry, the Devil, they suddenly cast off Christian religion 
_ again, and abandoned the true divine worship, beating withal 
_ and abusing the priest that was sent them. This provoked the 

_ Spaniards to punish them according to their deserts, which 
_ they did by casting many of the chiefest of these Indians into 
_ prison. Every one of those barbarians had, and has still, 
a god to himself whom he serves and worships. It is 
a thing that deserves all admiration, to consider how 

they use in this particular a child that is newly born into 
the world. As soon as this is issued from the womb of the 
mother, they carry it to the temple. Here they make a circle 
or hole, which they fill with ashes, without mingling anything 

else with them. Upon this heap of ashes they place the child 
_ naked, leaving it there a whole night alone, not without great 

danger ; nobody daring to come near it. In the meanwhile 
the temple is open on all sides, to the intent all sorts of beasts 
may freely come in and out. The next day the father and 
relations of the infant return thither, to see if the track or step 

_ of any animal appears to be printed in the ashes. Not finding 

A pe hess YR 

— ee 

any, they leave the child there until some beast has approached 
the infant and left behind him the mark of his feet. Unto this 
animal, whatsoever it be, they consecrate the creature newly 
born as unto its god, which he is bound to worship and serve 
all his life, esteeming the said beast as his patron and protector 
in all cases of danger or necessity. They offer unto their gods 
sacrifices of fire, wherein they burn a certain gum called by them 
copal!, whose smoke affords a very delicious smell. When the 
infant is grown up, the parents thereof tell him and show him 

1 Spanish copal: aresin. Cf. Frampton, Joyfull Newes [1577]: ‘ The 
copal is a rosine very white.’ 


whom he ought to worship, serve, and honour as his own 
proper god. This being known, he goes to the temple, where 
he makes offerings unto the said beast. Afterwards, if in 
the course of his life any one has injured him or any evil 
happens to him, he complains thereof to that beast, and 
sacrifices unto it for revenge. Whence many times comes that 
those who have done the injury of which he complains are 
found to be bitten, killed, or otherwise hurt by such animals. 

After this superstitious and idolatrous manner do live those 
miserable and ignorant Indians that inhabit all the islands of 
the Gulf of Honduras, as also many of them that dwell upon 
the continent of Yucatan. In the territories of which country 
are found most excellent ports for the safety of ships, where 
those Indians most commonly love to build their houses. 
These people are not very faithful one to another, and likewise 
use strange ceremonies at their marriages. Whensoever any 
one pretends to marry a young damsel, he first applies himself 
to her father or nearest relation. He then examines him very 
exactly concerning the manner of cultivating their plantations 
and other things at his pleasure. Having satisfied the ques- 
tions that were put to him by the father-in-law, he gives the 
young man a bow and arrow. With these things he repairs 
to the young maid, and presents her with a garland of green 
leaves, interweaved with sweet-smelling flowers. This she is 
obliged to put upon her head, and lay aside that which she 
wore before that time ; it being the custom of the country that 
all virgins go perpetually crowned with flowers. This garland 
being received and put upon the head, every one of the relations 
and friends go to advise with others among themselves, whether 
that marriage will be useful and of likely happiness or not. 
Afterwards the aforesaid relations and friends meet together 
at the house of the damsel’s father, and they drink of a certain 
liquor made of maize, or Indian wheat. And here before the 
whole company the father gives his daughter in marriage unto 
the bridegroom. The next day the newly-married bride comes 
to her mother, and in her presence pulls off the garland and 
tears it in pieces, with great cries and bitter lamentations, 
according to the custom of the country. Many other things 
I could relate at large of the manner of living and customs of 
those Indians ; but these I shall omit, thereby to follow my 


Our Pirates, therefore, had many canoes of the Indians in 
the isle of Sambale, five leagues distant from the coasts of 
Yucatan. In the aforesaid island is found great quantity of 
amber, but more especially when any storm arises from to- 
wards the East, whence the waves bring many things and very 
different. Through this sea no vessels can pass, unless very 
small, the waters being too shallow. In the lands that are 
surrounded by this sea is found huge quantity of Campeche 
wood! and other things of this kind, that serve for the art of 
dyeing, which occasions them to be much esteemed in Europe, 
and doubtless would be much more, in case we had the skill 
and science of the Indians, who are so industrious as to make 
a dye or tincture that never changes its colour nor fades away. 

After that the Pirates had been in that gulf three entire 
months, they received advice that the Spanish ship was come. 
Hereupon they hastened unto the port, where the ship lay at 
anchor unlading the merchandize it brought, with design to 
assault her as soon as it was possible. But, before this attempt, 
they thought it convenient to send away some of their boats 
from the mouth of the river, to seek for a small vessel which 
was expected, having notice that she was very richly laden, 
the greatest part of the cargo being plate, indigo, and cochineal. 
In the meanwhile the people of the ship that was in the port had 
notice given that the Pirates designed upon them. Hereupon 
they prepared all things very well for the defence of the said 
vessel, which was mounted with 42 guns, had many arms on 
board and other necessaries, together with 130 fighting men. 
Unto L’Ollonias all this seemed but little; and thus he assaulted 
her with great courage, his own ship carrying only 22 guns, and 
having no more than a small saétia, or flyboat, for help. 
But the Spaniards defended themselves after such manner as 
they forced the Pirates to retire. Notwithstanding, while the 
smoke of the powder continued very thick, as amidst a dark 
fog or mist, they sent four canoes very well manned, and 
boarded the ship with great agility, whereby they compelled 
the Spaniards to surrender. 

The ship being taken, they found not in her what they 
thought, as being already almost wholly unladed. All the 

1 Logwood, named from Campeachy on the West coast of Yucatan. 
Cf. ‘‘ The chiefest merchandize which they lade there in small frigats 

is a certeine wood called campeche (wherewith they vse to die),’’— 
Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 461. 


treasure they here got consisted only in fifty bars of iron, a 
small parcel of paper, some earthen jars full of wine, and other 
things of this kind : all of small importance. | 

“ Presently after, L’Ollonais called a council of the whole fleet, 
wherein he told them he intended to go to Guatemala. Upon 
this point they divided into several sentiments ; some of them 
liking the proposal very well, and others disliking it as much— 
especially a certain party of them, who were but new in those 
exercises of piracy, and who had imagined at their setting 
forth from Tortuga that pieces-of-eight were gathered as 
easily as pears from a tree. But, having found at last most 
things contrary to their expectation, they quitted the fleet, 
and returned whence they set out. Others, on the contrary, 
affirmed they had rather die of hunger than return home with- 
out a great deal of money. 

But the major part of the company, judging the propounded 
voyage little fit for their purpose, separated from L’Ollonais 
and the rest. Among these was ringleader one Moses Vanclein, 
who was captain of the ship taken at Puerto Cavallo. This 
fellow took his course towards Tortuga, designing to cruize to 
and fro in those seas. With him also joined another comrade 
of his own, by name Pierre le Picard, who, seeing the rest to 
leave L’Ollonais, thought fit to do the same. These runaways 
having thus parted company, steered their course homewards, 
coasting along the continent till they came at last unto Costa 
Rica. Here they landed a strong party of men nigh unto the 
river of Veraguas, and marched in good order unto the town of 
the same name. This place they took and totally pillaged, 
notwithstanding that the Spaniards made a strong and warlike 
resistance. They brought away some of the inhabitants as 
prisoners, with all that they had robbed, which was of no great 
importance, the reason hereof being the poverty of the place, 
which exercises no manner of trade than only working in the 
mines, where some of the inhabitants do constantly attend. 
Yet no other persons seek for the gold than only slaves. 
These they compel to dig, whether they live or die, and wash 
the earth that is taken out in the neighbouring rivers ; where 
oftentimes they find pieces of gold as big as peas. Finally, 
the pirates found in this robbery no greater value than 7 or 
8 pounds weight of gold. Hereupon they returned back, 
giving over the design they had to go farther on to the town of 


Nata, situated upon the coasts of the South Sea. Hitherto 
they designed to march, knowing the inhabitants to be rich 
merchants, who had their slaves at work in the mines of 
Veraguas. But from this enterprize they were deterred by 
the multitude of Spaniards whom they saw gather on all sides 
to fall upon them ; whereof they had timely advice before- 

L’Ollonais, thus abandoned by his companions, remained 
alone in the Gulf of Honduras, by reason his ship was too great 
to get out at the time of the reflux of those seas, which the 
smaller vessels could do more easily. There he sustained 
great want of all sorts of provisions, insomuch as they were 
constrained to go ashore every day to seek wherewithal to 
maintain themselves. And, not finding anything else, they 
were forced to kill monkeys and other animals such as they 
could find, for their sustenance. 

At last having found, in the latitude of the Cape of Gracias 
a Dios, certain little islands called De las Pertas, here, nigh 
unto these isles, his ship fell upon a bank of sand, where it 

i _ Stuck so fast as no art could be found to get her off into deep 

pene ve 

water again, notwithstanding they unladed all the guns, iron, 
and other weighty things as much as possibly they could: but 
all they could do was to little or no effect. Hereupon they 
were necessitated to break the ship in pieces, and with some of 
the planks and nails build themselves a boat, wherewith to 
get away from those islands. Thus they began their work ; 
and, while they are employed about it, I shall pass to describe 
succinctly the isles aforementioned and their inhabitants. 

The islands called De las Pertas are inhabited by Indians, 
who are properly savages, as not having at any time known or 
conversed with any civil people. They are tall in stature 
and very nimble in running, which they perform almost as 
fast as horses. At diving also in the sea they are very dexter- 
ous and hardy. From the bottom of the sea I saw them take 
up an anchor that weighed 600 pound, by tying a cable unto 
it with great dexterity and pulling it from a rock. They use 
no other arms than such as are made of wood, without any 
iron, unless that some instead therefore do fix a crocodile-tooth, 
which serves for a point. They have neither bows nor arrows 
among them, as other Indians have; but their common 
weapon is a sort of lances, that are long a fathom and a half. 


In these islands there are many plantations surrounded with 
_ woods, whence they gather great abundance of fruits. Such 
are potatoes, bananas, racoven, ananas, and many others, 
which the constitution of the soil affords. Nigh unto these 
plantations they have no houses to dwell in, as in other places 
of the Indies. Some are of opinion that these Indians eat 
human flesh, which seems to be confirmed by what happened 
when L’Ollonais was there. Two of his companions, the one 
being a Frenchman and the other a Spaniard, went into the 
woods, where, having straggled up and down some while, 
they met with a troop of Indians that began to pursue them. 
They defended themselves as well as they could with their 
swords, but at last were forced to flee. This the Frenchman 
performed with great agility : but the Spaniard, being not so 
swift as his companion, was taken by those barbarians, and 
heard of no more. Some days after, they attempted to go into 
the woods to see what was become of their companion. Unto 
this effect twelve Pirates set forth very well armed, amongst 
whom was the Frenchman, who conducted them, and shewed 
them the place where he left his companion. Here they found, 
nigh unto the place, that the Indians had kindled fire ; and, 
at a small distance thence, they found the bones of the said 
Spaniard very wellroasted. Hence they inferred that they had 
roasted the miserable Spaniard, of whom they found more, 
some pieces of flesh ill scraped off from the bones and one hand, 
which had only two fingers remaining. 

They marched farther on, seeking for Indians. Of these 
they found a great number together, who endeavoured to 
escape, seeing the Pirates so strong and well armed. But they 
overtook some of them, and brought on board their ships 
five men and four women. With these they used all the means 
they could invent to make themselves to be. understood and 
gain their affections, giving them certain small trifles, as 
knives, beads, and the like things. They gave them also 
victuals and drink, but nothing of either would they taste. 
It was also observable that all the while they were prisoners 
on board the ships, they spoke not one word to each other 
among themselves. Thus the Pirates, seeing these poor 
Indians were much afraid of them, presented them again with 
some small things, and let them go. When they departed, 
they made signs, giving them to understand they would come 

eS ee arte 


| again. But they soon forgot their benefactors, and were never 

heard nor seen more. Neither could any notice afterwards be 

_ had of these Indians or any others in the whole island after 
_ that time ; which occasioned the Pirates to suspect that both 
- those that were taken, and all the rest of the island, did all 
_ swim away by night to some other little neighbouring islands, 
especially considering they could never set eyes on any Indian 
_ more; neither was there ever seen any boat or other vessel in 

the whole circumference of the island. 
In the meanwhile the Pirates were very desirous to see their 

 long-boat finished, which they were building with the timber 

of the ship that stuck upon the sands. Yet, considering 
their work would be long, they began to cultivate some pieces 
of ground. Here they sowed French beans, which came to 

_ maturity in six weeks time, and many other fruits. They had 
ie good provision of Spanish wheat, bananas, racoven, and other 
_ things. With the wheat they made bread, and baked it in 
_ portable ovens which they had brought with them to this 

effect. Thus they feared not hunger in those desert places. 

After this manner they employed themselves for the space of 

five or six months. Which time being passed, and the long-boat 
finished, they determined to go unto the river of Nicaragua, to 
see if they could take some few canoes, and herewith return 
unto the said islands and fetch away their companions that 
remained behind, by reason the boat they had built was not 
capable of transporting so many men together. Hereupon, to 
avoid any disputes that might arise, they cast lots among 
themselves, determining thereby who should go, or stay, in 
the island. 

The lot fell only upon one half of the people of the lost vessel, 
who embarked upon the long-boat they had built, and also 
the skiff which they had before, the other half remaining on 
shore. L’Ollonais, having set sail, arrived in a few days at the 
mouth of the river of Nicaragua. Here suddenly his ill- 
fortune assailed him, which of long time had been reserved for 
him as a punishment due unto the multitude of horrible 
crimes which in his licentious and wicked life he had committed, 
Here he met with both Spaniards and Indians, who jointly 
together set upon him and his companions, and used them so 

| 4 roughly that the greatest part of the Pirates were killed upon 


the place. L’Ollonais, with those that remained alive, had much 


ado to escape on board their boats aforementioned. Yet, not- 
withstanding this great loss of men, he resolved not to return 
to seek those he had left at the Isle of Pertas without taking 
some boats, such as he looked for. Unto this effect he deter- 
mined to go farther on to the coasts of Cartagena, with design 
to seek for canoes. But God Almighty, the time of His 
Divine justice being now already come, had appointed the 
Indians of Darien to be the instruments and executioners 
thereof. The Indians of Darien are esteemed as bvavos, or wild 
savage Indians, by the neighbouring Spaniards, who never 
could reduce them to civility. Hither L’Ollonais came (being 
rather brought by his evil conscience that cried for punishment 
of his crimes), thinking to act in that country his former 
cruelties. But the Indians within a few days after his arrival 
took him prisoner and tore him in pieces alive, throwing 
his body limb by limb into the fire, and his ashes into 
the air, to the intent no trace or memory might remain of 
such an infamous, inhuman creature. One of his companions 
gave me an exact account of the aforesaid tragedy, affirming 
withal that he himself had escaped the same punishment, not 
without the greatest of difficulties. He believed also that many 
of his comrades who were taken prisoners in that encounter 
by the Indians of Darien were after the same manner as their 
cruel captain torn in pieces and burned alive. Thus ends 
the history of the life and miserable death of that infernal 
wretch L’Ollonias, who, full of horrid, execrable, and enormous 
deeds, and also debtor to so much innocent blood, died by cruel 
and butcherly hands, such as his own were in the course of his 

Those that remained in the island De las Pertas, waiting for 
the return of them who got away only to their great misfortune, 
hearing no news of their captain nor companions, at last 
embarked themselves upon the ship of a certain Pirate who 
happened to pass that way. This fellow was come from 
Jamaica with intent to land at the Cape of Gracias a Dios, 
and hence to mount the river with his canoes and take the city 
of Cartagena. These two parcels of Pirates being now joined 
together were infinitely gladded at the presence and society 
of one another. Those because they found themselves de- 
livered from their miseries, poverty, and necessities, wherein 
now they had lived the space of ten entire months—these, 

mes, Ee —— Pe 


because they were now considerably strengthened, whereby 
to effect with greater satisfaction their intended designs. 
Hereupon, as soon as they were arrived unto the aforesaid 
Cape of Gracias 4 Dios, they all put themselves into canoes, 
and with these vessels mounted the river, being in number 500 
men ; leaving only 5 or 6 persons in every ship to keep them. 
They took no provisions with them, as being persuaded they 
should find everywhere sufficient. But these their own hopes 
were found totally vain, as not being grounded in God Almighty. 
For He ordained it so that the Indians, having perceived their 
coming, were all fled before them, not leaving in their houses nor 
plantations, which for the most part do border upon the sides 
of rivers, anything of necessary provisions or victuals. Here- 
by in few days after they had quitted their ships, they were 
reduced to such necessity and hunger as nothing could be more 
extreme. Notwithstanding, the hopes they had conceived 
of making their fortunes very soon did animate them for the 
present, being contented in this affliction with a few green 
herbs, such as they could gather as they went upon the banks 
of the river. 

Yet all this courage and vigour of mind could not last above 
a fortnight. After which, their hearts, as well as their bodies, 
began to fail for hunger ; insomuch as they found themselves 
constrained to quit the river and betake themselves unto the 
woods, seeking out some small villages where they might find 
relief for their necessity. But all was in vain; for, having ranged 
up and down the woods for some days without finding the 
least comfort to their hungry desires, they were forced to return 
again unto the river. Where being come, they thought it 
convenient to descend unto the sea-coasts where they had left 
their ships, not being able to find in the present enterprize 
what they sought for. In this laborious journey they were 
reduced to such extremity that many of them devoured their 
own shoes, the sheaths of their swords, knives, and other things 
of this kind, being almost ravenous, and fully desirous to meet 
some Indians, intending to sacrifice them unto their teeth. 
At last they arrived at the coast of the sea, where they found 
some comfort and relief to their former miseries, and also 
means to seek more. Yet, notwithstanding, the greatest part 
of them perished through faintness and other diseases con- 
tracted by hunger ; which occasioned also the remaining part 


to disperse—till at last by degrees many or most of them fell 
into the same pit that L’Ollonais did. Of him and of his 
companions I have hitherto given my reader a compendious 
narrative, which now I shall continue with the actions and 
exploits of Captain Henry Morgan, who may not undeservedly 
be called the second L’Ollonais, as not being unlike or inferior 
unto him either in achievements against the Spaniards or in 
robberies of many innocent people. 


Of the origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan—his 
exploits and a continuation of the most remarkable actions 

of his life 

CAPTAIN HENRY MorGAN was born in the kingdom of 
England, and there in the principality of Wales. His father 
was a rich yeoman, or farmer, and of good quality in that 
country, even as most who bear that name in Wales are 
known to be. /Morgan, being as yet young, had no inclinations 
to follow the calling of his father; and therefore left his 
country and came towards the sea-coasts to seek some other 
employ more suitable to his humour, that aspired to some- 
thing else. There he found entertainment in a certain port 
where several ships lay at anchor, that were bound for the isle 
of Barbados. With these ships he resolved to go in the 
service of one who, according to what is commonly practised 
in those parts by the English and other nations, sold him as 
soon as he came on shore. He served his time at Barbados, 
and when he had obtained his liberty, thence transferred 
himself unto the island of Jamaica, there to seek new fortunes. 
Here he found two vessels of Pirates that were ready to go to 
sea. Being destitute of employ, he put himself into one of these 
ships, with intent to follow the exercises of that sort of people. 
He learned in a little while their manner of living ; and so 
exactly that, having performed three or four voyages with 
some profit and good success, he agreed with some of his 
comrades, who had gotten by the same voyages a small parcel 
of money, to join stocks and buy a ship. The vessel being 
bought, they unanimously chose him to be the Captain and 
Commander thereof. 

With this ship, soon after, he set forth from Jamaica to cruize 
upon the coasts of Campeche, in which voyage he had the 



fortune to take several ships, with which he returned trium- 
phant to the same island. Here he found at the same time an 
old Pirate named Mansvelt (of whom we have already made 
mention in the First Part of this book), who was then busied in 
equipping a considerable fleet of ships, with design to land 
upon the Continent and pillage whatever came in his way. 
Mansvelt, seeing Captain Morgan return with so many prizes, 
judged him from his actions to be of undaunted courage, and 
hereupon was moved to choose him for his Vice-Admiral in 
that expedition. Thus, having fitted out fifteen ships between 
great and small, they set sail from Jamaica with 500 men, both 
Walloons and French. With this fleet they arrived not long 
after at the isle of St Catharine, situated nigh unto the 
continent of Costa Rica, in the latitude of twelve-degrees- 
and-a-half North, and distant thirty-five leagues from the river 
of Chagre, between North and South. Here they made their 
first descent, landing most of their men presently after. 

Being now come to try their arms and fortune, they in a 
short while forced the garrison that kept the island to surrender 
and deliver into their hands all the forts and castles belonging 
thereunto. All these they instantly demolished, reserving 
only one, wherein they placed one hundred men of their own 
party and all the slaves they had taken from the Spaniards. 
With the rest of their men they marched unto another small 
island nigh unto that of St Catharine, and adjoining so near 
unto it that with a bridge they could get over. In few days 
they made a bridge, and passed thither, conveying also over 
it all the pieces of ordnance which they had taken upon the 
great island. Having ruined and destroyed, with sword and 
fire, both the islands, leaving what orders were necessary 
at the castle above-mentioned, they put forth to sea again 
with the Spaniards they had taken prisoners. Yet these 
they set on shore, not long after, upon the firm land nigh 
unto a place called Porto Bello. After this they began 
to cruize upon the coasts of Costa Rica, till that finally they 
came unto the river of Colla, designing to rob and pillage 
all the towns they could find in those parts, and afterwards 
to pass unto the village of Nata, to do the same. 

The President, or Governor, of Panama, having had advice of 
the arrival of these Pirates and the hostilities they committed 
everywhere, thought it his duty to set forth to their encounter 


_ with a body of men. His coming caused the Pirates to retire 
_ suddenly with all speed and care, especially seeing the whole 
country alarmed at their arrival, and that their designs were 
_ known and consequently could be of no great effect at that 
present. Hereupon they returned unto the isle of St 
_ Catharine, to visit the hundred men they had left in garrison 
_ there. The Governor of these men was a certain Frenchman 
_ named Le Sieur Simon, who behaved himself very well in 
; that charge, while Mansvelt was absent ; insomuch that he 
had put the great island in a very good posture of defence, 
_ and the little one he had caused to be cultivated with many 
fertile plantations, which were sufficient to revictual the whole 
fleet with provisions and fruits, not only for present refresh- 
ment but also in case of a new voyage. Mansvelt’s inclinations 
were very much bent to keep these two islands in perpetual 
_ possession, as being very commodious and profitably situated 
_ for the use of the Pirates, chiefly because they were so near 
"unto the Spanish dominions and easily to be defended against 
_ them; as I shall represent in the Third Part of this history 
_ ~~ more at large, in a copper plate delineated for this purpose. 

_ Hereupon Mansvelt determined to return unto Jamaica, 
- with design to send some recruit to the isle of St Catharine, 
_ that, in case of any invasion of the Spaniards, the Pirates 
i might be provided for a defence. As soon as he arrived, he 
we propounded his mind and intentions unto the Governor of that 
island ; but he liked not the propositions of Mansvelt, fearing 
~ lest by granting such things he should displease his master, 
the King of England, besides that, giving him the men he 
desired, and other necessaries for that purpose, he must of 
necessity diminish and weaken the forces of that island whereof 
he was Governor. Mansvelt seeing the unwillingness of the 
_ Governor of Jamaica, and that of his own accord he could not 
__ compass what he desired, with the same intent and designs 
_ went tothe isle of Tortuga. But there, before he could accom- 
_ plish his desires or put in execution what was intended, death 
¥ suddenly surprised him and put a period to his wicked life ; 

_ all things hereby remaining in suspense, until the occasion 
which I shall hereafter relate. 
Le Sieur Simon, who remained at the isle of St Catharine in 
quality of Governor thereof, receiving no news from Mansvelt, 
his admiral, was greatly impatient and desirous to know what. 


might be the cause thereof. In the meanwhile Don John 
Perez de Guzman, being newly come to the government of 
Costa Rica, thought it no ways convenient for the interest of 
the King of Spain that that island should remain in the hands 
of the Pirates. And hereupon he equipped a considerable 
fleet, which he sent unto the said island to retake it. But, 
before he came to use any great violence, he wrote a letter to 
Le Sieur Simon, wherein he gave him to understand, if he 
would surrender the island unto his Catholic Majesty, he should 
be very well rewarded; but, in case of refusal, severely 
punished when he had forced him to do it. Le Sieur Simon, 
seeing no appearance or probability of being able to defend it 
alone, nor any emolument that by so doing could accrue either 
unto him or his people, after some small resistance delivered up 
the island into the hands of its true lord and master, under 
the same articles they had obtained it from the Spaniards. 
Few days after the surrender of the island there arrived from 
Jamaica an English ship which the Governor of the said 
island had sent underhand, wherein was a good supply of 
people, both men and women. The Spaniards from the 
castle, having espied this ship, put forth the English colours, 
and persuaded Le Sieur Simon to go on board and conduct the 
said ship into a port they assigned him. This he performed 
immediately with dissimulation, whereby they were all made 
prisoners. A certain Spanish engineer has published, before me, 
an exact account and relation of the retaking of the isle of 
St Catharine by the Spaniards ; which printed paper being 
fallen into my hands, I have thought it fit to be inserted here. 

A true Relation and particular Account of the Victory obtained 
by the Arms of his Catholic Majesty against the English 
Pirates, by the direction and valour of Don John Perez 
de Guzman, Knight of the Order of St James, Governor 
and Captain-General of Terra Firma and the Province 
of Veraguas 

THE kingdom of Terra Firma, which of itself is sufficiently 
strong to repulse and extirpate great fleets but more especially 
the Pirates of Jamaica, had several ways notice under several 
hands imparted to the Governor thereof, that fourteen English 
vessels did cruize upon the coasts belonging to his Catholic 
Majesty. The 14th day of July 1665 news came unto Panama 

eee) ae 


_ that the English Pirates of the said fleet were arrived at Puerto 
_ de Naos, and had forced the Spanish garrison of the isle of 
. St Catharine, whose Governor was Don Estevan del Campo, 
~ and that they had possessed themselves of the said island, 
_ taking prisoners the inhabitants and destroying all that ever 
they met. Moreover, about the same time Don John Perez 
_ de Guzman received particular information of these robberies 

_ from the relation of some Spaniards who escaped out of the 
island (and whom he ordered to be conveyed unto Porto 
- Bello), who more distinctly told him that the aforementioned 
_ Pirates came into the Island the 2nd day of May by night, 
. without being perceived by anybody ; and that the next day, 
after some disputes by arms, they had taken the fortresses 
_ and made prisoners all the inhabitants and soldiers, not one 
scented unless those that by good fortune had escaped their 
hands. This being heard by Don John, he called a council 
a6 war, wherein he declared the great progress the said Pirates 
had made in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty. Here 
likewise he propounded: That it was absolutely necessary 
_ to send some forces unto the isle of St Catharine, sufficient to 
_ retake it from the Pirates, the honour and interest of his Majesty 
Spain being very narrowly concerned herein. Otherwise the 
ivates by such conquests might easily i course of time possess 
_ themselves of all the countries thereabouts. Unto these reasons 
: some were found who made answer: That the Pirates, as not 
_ being able to subsist in the said island, would of necessity consume 
and waste themselves, and be forced to quit tt without any necessity 
of retaking it. That consequently it was not worth the while 
___ to engage 1m so many expenses and troubles as might be foreseen 
_ this would cost. Notwithstanding these reasons to the con- 
trary, Don John, as one who was an expert and valiant soldier, 

_ gave order that a quantity of provisions should be conveyed 

4 _ to Porto Bello, for the use and service of the militia. And, 
neither to be idle nor negligent in his master’s affairs, he 
transported himself thither, with no small danger of his life. 
Here he arrived the 7th day of July, with most things necessary 
__ to the expedition in hand ; where he found in the port a good 
ship, called S¢ Vincent, that belonged unto the Company of 
_ the Negroes. This ship being of itself a strong vessel and 
_ well mounted with guns, he manned and victualled very well, 
4 and sent unto the isle of St Catharine, constituting Captain 
_ Joseph Sanchez Ximenez, Mayor of the city of Porto Bello, 
i Commander thereof. The people he carried with him 
_ were, 270 soldiers, and 37 prisoners of the same island, 
besides 34 Spaniards belonging to the garrison of Porto 


Bello, 29 mulattos of Panama, 12 Indians very dexterous 
at shooting with bows and arrows, 7 expert and able gunners, 
2 lieutenants, 2 pilots, one surgeon, and one religious man of 
the Order of St Francis for their chaplain. 

Don John soon after gave his orders to every one of the 
officers, instructing them how they ought to behave themselves, 
telling them withal that the Governor of Cartagena would 
assist and supply them with more men, boats, and all things 
else they should find necessary for that enterprize ; to which 
effect he had already written unto the said Governor. On 
the 24th day of the said month Don John commanded the 
ship to weigh anchor and sail out of the port. Then, seeing 
a fair wind to blow, he called before him all the people designed 
for that expedition, and made them a speech, encouraging 
them to fight against the enemies of their country and religion, 
but more especially against those inhuman Pirates who had 
heretofore committed so many horrid and cruel actions against 
the subjects of his Catholic Majesty—withal promising to 
every one of them most liberal rewards, but especially unto 
such as should behave themselves as they ought in the service 
of their king and country. Thus Don John bid them farewell, 
and immediately the ship weighed anchor, and set sail under 
a favourable gale of wind. The 22nd of the said month they 
arrived at Cartagena, and presented a letter unto the Governor 
of the said city from the noble and valiant Don John, who 
received it with testimonies of great affection unto the person 
of Don John and his Majesty’s service. And, seeing their 
resolute courage to be conformable to his desires and expec- 
tation, he promised them his assistance, which should be with 
one frigate, one galleon, one boat, and 126 men, the one half 
out of his own garrison, and the other half mulattos. Thus, 
all of them being well provided with necessaries, they set 
forth from the port of Cartagena the 2nd day of August, and 
the roth of the said month they arrived within sight of the 
isle of St Catharine, towards the Western point thereof. And, 
although the wind was contrary, yet they reached the port, 
and came to an anchor within it, having lost one of their boats, 
by foul weather, at the rock called Quita Signos. 

The Pirates, seeing our ships come to an anchor, gave 
them presently three guns with bullets, the which were 
soon answered in the same coin. Hereupon the Mayor 
Joseph Sanchez Ximenez sent on shore unto the Pirates 
one of his officers, to require them in the name of the 
Catholic King, his Master, to surrender the island, seeing they 
had taken it in the midst of peace between the two crowns 

ee ER aE 


of Spain and England, and that, in case they would be obsti- 
nate, he would certainly put them all to the sword. The 
Pirates made answer ; That island had once before belonged unto 
the Government and dominions of the King of England ; and 
that, instead of surrendering tt, they preferred to lose their lives. 

On Friday, the 13th of the said month, three negroes, from 
the enemy, came swimming aboard our Admiral. These 
brought intelligence that all the Pirates that were upon the 
island were only threescore-and-twelve in number, and that 
they were under a great consternation, seeing such consider- 
able forces come against them. With this intelligence the 
Spaniards resolved to land and advance towards the fortresses, 
the which ceased not to fire as many great guns against them 
as they possibly could, which were corresponded in the same 
manner on our side till dark night. On Sunday, the 15th 
of the said month, which was the day of the Assumption of 
Our Lady, the weather being very calm and clear, the Spani- 
ards began to advance thus. The ship named St Vincent, 
which rode Admiral, discharged two whole broadsides upon 
the battery called the Conception. The ship called St Peter, 
that was Vice-Admiral, discharged likewise her guns against 
the other battery named St James. In the meanwhile our 
people were landed in small boats, directing their course 
towards the point of the battery last mentioned, and thence 
they marched towards the gate called Cortadura. “The 
lieutenant Frances de Cazeres, being desirous to view the 
strength of the enemy, with only 15 men, was compelled to 
retreat in all haste by reason of the great guns which played so 
furiously upon the place where he stood, they shooting not only 
pieces of iron and small bullets, but also the organs of the 
church, discharging in every shot threescore pipes at a time/ 

Notwithstanding this heat of the enemy, Captain Don 
Joseph Ramirez de Leyva, with threescore men, made a strong 
attack, wherein they fought on both sides very desperately, 
till that at last he overcame and forced the Pirates to surrender 
the fort he had taken in hand. 

On the other side, Captain John Galeno, with fourscore- 
and-ten men, passed over the hills, to advance that way 
towards the castle of St Teresa. In the meanwhile the Mayor 
Don Joseph Sanchez Ximenez, as commander-in-chief, with 
the rest of his men set forth from the battery of St James, 
passing the fort with four boats, and landing in despite of the 
enemy. About this same time Captain John Galeno began 
to advance with the men he led unto the forementioned 
fortress. So that our men made three attacks upon the enemy, 


on three several sides, at one and the same time, with great 
courage and valour. Thus the Pirates, seeing many of their 
men already killed and that they could in no manner subsist 
any longer, retreated towards Cortadura, where they surren- 
dered themselves and likewise the whole island into our hands. 
Our people possessed themselves of all, and set up the Spanish 
colours, as soon as they had rendered thanks to God Almighty 
for the victory obtained on sucha signalized day. The number 
of dead were six men of the enemy’s with many wounded, 
and threescore-and-ten prisoners. On our side was found only 
one man killed, and four wounded. 

There was found upon the island 800 pound of powder, 
250 pound of small bullets, with many other military pro- 
visions. Among the prisoners were taken also two Spaniards 
who had borne arms under the English against his Catholic 
Majesty. These were commanded to be shot to death the 
next day by order of the Mayor. The roth day of September 
arrived at the isle an English vessel, which being seen at a 
great distance by the Mayor, he gave order unto Le Sieur 
Simon, who was a Frenchman, to go and visit the said ship, 
and tell them that were on board the island belonged still 
unto the English. He performed the commands, and found in 
the said ship only 14 men, one woman and her daughter, who 
were all instantly made prisoners. 

The English Pirates were all transported to Porto Bello, 
excepting only three, who by order of the Governor were 
carried to Panama, there to work in the castle of St Jerome. 
This fortification is an excellent piece of workmanship, and 
very strong, being raised in the middle of the port, of quad- 
rangular form, and of very hard stone. Its elevation or 
height is 88 geometrical feet, the walls being 14 and the 
curtains 75 feet diameter. It was built at the expense of 
several private persons, the Governor of the city furnishing 
the greatest part of the money ; so that it did not cost his 
Majesty any sum at all. 



_ Some account of the island of Cuba. Capt. Morgan attempts to 
oa preserve the isle of St Catharine as a refuge and nest unto 
ei Pirates ; but fails of his designs. He arrives at and takes 
_” the village of El Puerto del Principe 

_/CapTAIn MorGan, seeing his predecessor and Admiral 
_ Mansvelt was dead, endeavoured as much as he could, and 
_ used all the means that were possible, to preserve and keep 
_ in perpetual possession the Isle of St Catharine, seated nigh 
unto that of Cuba. His principal intent was to consecrate it 
as a refuge and sanctuary unto the Pirates of those parts, 
_ putting it in a sufficient condition of being a convenient 
_ receptacle or storehouse of their preys and robberies. Unto 
__ this effect he left no stone unmoved whereby to compass his 
_ designs, writing for the same purpose unto several merchants 
_ that lived in Virginia and New England, and persuading them 
_ to send him provisions and other necessary things towards 
the putting the said island in such a posture of defence as it 
a might neither fear any external dangers nor be moved at any 
_ Suspicions of invasion from any side that might attempt 
_ to disquiet it. At last all his thoughts and cares proved 
_ ineffectual by the Spaniards retaking the said island. » Yet, 
_ notwithstanding, Captain Morgan retained his ancient courage, 
_ which instantly put him upon new designs. Thus he equipped 
_ at first a ship, with intention to gather an entire fleet, both as 
_ great and as strong as he could compass. By degrees he put 
_ the whole matter in execution, and gave order unto every 
_ member of this fleet, they should meet at a certain port of 
_ Cuba. Here he determined to call a council, and deliberate 
_ concerning what were best to be done, and what place first 
_ they should fall upon. Leaving these new preparations in 
_ this condition, I shall here give my reader some small account 



of the aforementioned isle of Cuba, in whose ports this expe- 
dition was hatched, seeing I omitted to do it in its proper 

The island of Cuba lies from East to West, in the latitude 
and situation of twenty unto 23 degrees: North, being in length 
150 German leagues and about 40 in breadth. Its fertility 
is equal unto that of the island of Hispaniola. Besides which, 
it affords many things proper for trading and commerce, such 
as are hides of several beasts, particularly those that in Europe 
are called Hides of Havana. On all sides it is surrounded with 
a great number of small islands, which go altogether under the 
name of Cayos. Of these little islands the Pirates make great 
use, as of their own proper ports of refuge. Here most com- 
monly they make their meetings and hold their councils, how 
to assault more easily the Spaniards. It is thoroughly irrigated 
on all sides with the streams of plentiful and pleasant rivers, 
whose entries do form both secure and spacious ports, besides 
many other harbours for ships, which along the calm shores 
and coasts do adorn many parts of this rich and beautiful 
island ; all which contribute very much unto its happiness, by 
facilitating the exercise of trade, whereunto they invite both 
natives and aliens. The chiefest of these ports are Santiago, 
Bayame, Santa Maria, Espiritu Santo, Trinidad, Xagoa, 
Cabo de Corrientes, and others, all which are seated on the 
south side of the island. On the northern side hereof are 
found the following: La Havana, Puerto Mariano, Santa 
Cruz, Mata Ricos, and Barracoa. 

This island has two principal cities, by which the whole 
country is governed, and unto which all the towns and villages 
thereof do give obedience. The first of these is named Santiago, 
or St James, being seated on the South side, and having under 
its jurisdiction one half of the island. The chief magistrates 
hereof are a Bishop and a Governor, who command over the 
villages and towns belonging to the half above-mentioned. 
The chiefest of these are, on the Southern side Espiritu 
Santo, Puerto del Principe, and Bayame ; on the North side 
it has Barracoa and the town called De los Cayos. The 
greatest part of the commerce driven at the aforementioned 
city of Santiago comes from the Canary Islands, whither 
they transport great quantity of tobacco, sugar, and hides : 
which sorts of merchandize are drawn to the head city from 



ee a 


the subordinate towns and villages. In former times this 
city of Santiago was miserably sacked by the Pirates of Jamaica 
and Tortuga, notwithstanding that it is defended by a con- 
siderable castle. 

The city and port De la Havana lies between the North and 
West side of the island. This is one of the renownedest and 
strongest places of all the West Indies. Its jurisdiction 
extends over the other half of the island, the chiefest places 
under it being Santa Cruz on the Northern side and La 
Trinidad on the South. Hence is transported huge quantities 
of tobacco, which is sent in great plenty unto New Spain and 
Costa Rica, even as far as the South Sea ; besides many ships 
laden with this commodity that are consigned to Spain and 
other parts of Europe, not only in the leaf but also in rolls. 
This city is defended by three castles, very great and strong, 
two of which lie towards the port, and the other is seated upon 
a hill that commands the town. ’Tis esteemed to contain 
10,000 families, more or less ; among which number of people 
the merchants of this place trade in New Spain, Campeche, 
Honduras, and Florida. All the ships that come from the parts 
aforementioned, as also from Caracas, Cartagena, and Costa 
Rica, are necessitated to take their provisions in at Havana, 
wherewith to make their voyage for Spain; this being the 
necessary and straight course they ought to steer for the South 
of Europe and other parts. The plate-fleet of Spain, which 
the Spaniards call fota, being homeward bound, touches here 
yearly, to take in the rest of their full cargo, as hides, tobacco, 
and Campeche wood. .~ 

Captain Morgan had been no longer than two months in 
the above-mentioned ports of the South of Cuba, when he 
had got together a fleet of twelve sail, between ships and great 
boats ; wherein he had 700 fighting men, part of which were 
English and part French. They called a council, and some 
were of opinion ’twere convenient to assault the city of Havana 
under the obscurity of the night ; which enterprize, they said, 
might easily be performed, especially if they could but take 
any few of the ecclesiastics and make them prisoners—yea, 
that the city might be sacked, before the castles could put 
themselves in a posture of defence. Others propounded, 
according to their several opinions, other attempts. Not- 
withstanding, the former proposal was rejected, because many 



of the Pirates had been prisoners at other times in the said 
city ; and these affirmed nothing of consequence could be done 
unless with 1500 men. Moreover, that with all this number 
of people they ought first to go unto the island De los Pinos, 
and land them in small boats about Matamana, 14 leagues 
distant from the aforesaid city, whereby to accomplish by these 
means and order their designs. 

Finally, they saw no possibility of gathering so great a fleet ; 
and hereupon with that they had they concluded to attempt 
some other place. Among the rest was found, at last, one who 
propounded they should go and assault the town of El Puerto 
del Principe. This proposition he endeavoured to persuade, 

_by saying he knew that place very well, and that, being at a 
distance from the sea, it never was sacked by any Pirates, 
whereby the inhabitants were rich, as exercising their trade for 
ready money with those of Havana, who kept here an estab- 
lished commerce which consisted chiefly in hides. This 
proposal was presently admitted by Captain Morgan and the 
chiefest of his companions. And hereupon they gave order 
to every Captain to weigh anchor and set sail, steering their 
course towards that coast that lies nearest unto El Puerto del 
Principe. Hereabouts is to be seen a bay named by the 
Spaniards FE] Puerto de Santa Maria. Being arrived at this 
bay, a certain Spaniard, who was prisoner on board the 
fleet, swam ashore by night, and came unto the town of Puerto 
del Principe, giving account to the inhabitants of the design 
the Pirates had against them. This he affirmed to have over- 
heard in their discourse, while they thought he did not under- 
stand the English tongue. The Spaniards, as soon as they 
received this fortunate advice, began instantly to hide their 
riches, and carry away what movables they could. The 
Governor also immediately raised all the people of the town, 
both freeman and slaves ; and with part of them took a post 
by which of necessity the Pirates were to pass. He commanded 
likewise many trees to be cut down and laid amidst the ways 
to hinder their passage. In like manner he placed several 
ambuscades, which were strengthened with some pieces of 
cannon, to play upon them on their march. He gathered in 
all about 800 men, of which he distributed several into 
the aforementioned ambuscades, and with the rest he begirt 
the town, displaying them upon the plain of a spacious 


Pence e- 

faye OO arp mgers 


field, whence they could see the coming of the Pirates at 

Captain Morgan, with his men, being now upon the march, 
found the avenues and passages unto the town impenetrable. 
Hereupon they took the way through the wood, traversing it 
with great difficulty, whereby they escaped divers ambuscades. 
Thus at last they came into the plain aforementioned, which, 
from its figure, is called by the Spaniards La Savana, or The 
Sheet. The Governor, seeing them come, made a detach- 
ment of a troop of horse, which he sent to charge them in the 
front, thinking to disperse them, and, by putting them to 
flight, pursue them with his main body. But this design 
succeeded not as it was intended. For the Pirates marched 
in very good rank and file, at the sound of their drums and 
with flying colours. When they came nigh unto the horse, 
they drew into the form of a semicircle, and thus advanced 
towards the Spaniards; who charged them like valiant and 
courageous soldiers for some while. But, seeing that the 
Pirates were very dexterous at their arms, and their Governor 
with many of their companions killed, they began to retreat 
towards the wood. Here they designed to save themselves 
with more advantage ; but, before they could reach it, the 
greatest part of them were unfortunately killed by the hands 
of the Pirates. Thus they left the victory unto these new- 
come enemies, who had no considerable loss of men in this 
battle, and but very few wounded, howbeit the skirmish 
continued for the space of four hours. They entered the 
town, though not without great resistance of such as were 
within, who defended themselves as long as was possible, think- 
ing by their defence to hinder the pillage. Hereupon many, 
seeing the enemy within the town, shut themselves up in 
their own houses, and thence made several shot against the 
Pirates, who perceiving the mischief of this disadvantage, 
presently began to threaten them saying: If you surrender 
not voluntarily, you shall soon see the town in a flame, and your 
wives and children torn in pieces before your faces. With these 
menaces the Spaniards submitted entirely to the discretion of 
the Pirates, believing they could not continue there long and 
would soon be forced to dislodge. 

As soon as the Pirates had possessed themselves of the town, 
they enclosed all the Spaniards, both men, women, and children, 


and slaves, in several churches ; and gathered all the goods 
they could find by way of pillage. Afterwards they searched 
the whole country round about the town, bringing [in] day by 
day many goods and prisoners, with much provision. With 
this they fell to banqueting among themselves and making 
great cheer after their customary way, without remembering 
the poor prisoners, whom they permitted to starve in the 
churches for hunger. In the meanwhile they ceased not to 
torment them daily after an inhuman manner, thereby to 
make them confess where they hid their goods, moneys, and 
other things, though little or nothing was left them. Unto 
this effect they punished also the women and little children, 
giving them nothing to eat; whereby the greatest part 

When they could find no more to rob, and that provisions 
began to grow scarce, they thought it convenient to depart and 
seek new fortunes in other places. Hence they intimated to 
the prisoners: They should find moneys to ransom themselves, 
else they should be all transported to Jamaica. Which being 
done, tf they did not pay a second ransom for the town, they 
would turn every house into ashes. The Spaniards, hearing these 
severe menaces, nominated among themselves four fellow- 
prisoners to go and seek for the above-mentioned contribu- 
tions. But the Pirates, to the intent they should return 
speedily with the ransoms prescribed, tormented several in 
their presence, before they departed, with all the rigour 
imaginable. After few days, the Spaniards returned from the 
fatigue of their unreasonable commissions, telling Captain 
Morgan: We have run up and down, and searched all the 
neighbouring woods and places we most suspected, and yet have 
not been able to find any of our own party, nor consequently any 
Jruit of our embassy. Butif you are pleased to have a little longer 
patience with us, we shall certainly cause all that you demand 
to be paid within the space of fifteen days. Captain Morgan was 
contented, as it should seem, to grant them this petition. 
But, not long after, there came into the town seven or eight 
Pirates, who had been ranging the woods and fields, and got 
thereabouts some considerable booty. These brought among 
other prisoners a certain negro, whom they had taken 
with letters about him. Captain Morgan having perused them, 
found they were from the Governor of Santiago, being written 


to some of the prisoners ; wherein he told them: They should 
not make too much haste to pay any ransom for their town or 
persons or any other pretext. But, on the contrary, they should put 
off the Pirates as well as they could with excuses and delays, expect- 
ing to be relieved by him within a short while, when he would 
certainly come to theiy aid. This intelligence being heard by 
Captain Morgan, he immediately gave orders that all they had 
robbed should be carried on board the ships. And, withal, he 
intimated to the Spaniards that the very next day they should 
pay their ransoms forasmuch as he would not wait one moment 
longer but reduce the whole town to ashes in case they failed 
to perform the sum demanded. 

With this intimation Captain Morgan made no mention unto 
the Spaniards of the letters he had intercepted. Whereupon 
they made him answer that it was totally impossible for them to 
give such a sum of money in so short a space of time, seeing 
their fellow-townsmen were not to be found in all the country 
thereabouts. Captain Morgan knew full well their intentions, 
and, withal, thought it not convenient to remain there any 
longer time. Hence he demanded of them only 500 oxen or 
cows, together with sufficient salt wherewith to salt them. 
Hereunto he added only this condition, that they should carry 
them on board his ships, which they promised to do. Thus he 
departed with all his men, taking with him only six of the 
principal prisoners, as pledges of what he intended. The 
next day the Spaniards brought the cattle and salt to the ships, 
and required the prisoners. But Captain Morgan refused to 
deliver them till such time as they helped his men to kill and 
salt the beeves. This was likewise performed in great haste, he 
not caring to stay there any longer, lest he should be surprised 
by the forces that were gathering against him. Having received 
all on board his vessels, he set at liberty the prisoners he had 
kept as hostages of his demands. / While these things were in 
agitation, there happened to arise some dissensions between the 
Englishmen and the French. The occasion of their discord was 
as follows: A certain Frenchman being employed in. killing 
and salting one of the beeves, an English Pirate came to him 
and took away the marrow-bones he had taken out of the ox ; 
which sort of meat these people esteem very much. Hereupon 
they challenged one another. Being come unto the place of 
duel, the Englishman drew his sword treacherously against 


the Frenchman, wounding him in the back, before he had put 
himself into a just posture of defence ; whereby he suddenly 
fell dead upon the place. The other Frenchmen, desirous to 
revenge this base action, made an insurrection against the 
English. But Captain Morgan soon extinguished this flame, 
by commanding the criminal to be bound in chains, and thus 
carried to Jamaica, promising to them all he would see justice 
done upon him. For, although it were permitted unto him 
to challenge his adversary, yet it was not lawful to kill him 
treacherously, as he did. 

As soon as all things were in readiness and on board the ships, 
and likewise the prisoners set at liberty, they sailed thence, 
directing their course to a certain island, where Captain 
Morgan intended to make a dividend of what they had pur- 
chased in that voyage. Being arrived at the place assigned, 
they found nigh the value of 50,000 pieces-of-eight, both in 
money and goods. The sum being known, it caused a general 
resentment and grief, to see such a small purchase, which was 
not sufficient to pay their debts at Jamaica. Hereupon 
Captain Morgan propounded to them they should think upon 
some other enterprize and pillage before they returned home. 
But the Frenchmen, not being able to agree with the English, 
separated from their company, leaving Captain Morgan alone 
with those of his own nation, notwithstanding all the 
persuasions he used to induce them to continue in his company. 
Thus they parted with all external signs of friendship, Captain 
Morgan reiterating his promises unto them that he would see 
justice done upon that criminal. This he performed ; for, 
being arrived at Jamaica, he caused him to be hanged, which 
was all the satisfaction the French Pirates could expect. 


Captain Morgan resolves to attack and plunder the city of Porto 
Bello. Unto this effect he equips a fleet, and with litle 
expense and small forces takes the said place 

SoME nations may think that, the French having deserted 
Captain Morgan, the English alone could not have sufficient 
courage to attempt such great actions as before. But Captain 

Morgan, who always communicated vigour with his words, 

infused such spirits into his men as were able to put every one 
of them instantly upon new designs, they being all persuaded 
by his reasons that the sole execution of his orders would be a 
certain means of obtaining great riches. This persuasion had 
such influence upon their minds that with inimitable courage 
they all resolved to follow him. The same likewise did a 
certain Pirate of Campeche, who in this occasion joined with 
Captain Morgan to seek new fortunes under his conduct, and 
greater advantages than he had found before. Thus Captain 
Morgan in a few days gathered a fleet of nine sail, between 
ships and great boats, wherein he had four-hundred-and- 
threescore military men. 

_ After that all things were in good posture of readiness, 
they put forth to sea, Captain Morgan imparting the design 
he had in his mind unto nobody for that present. He only 
told them on several occasions that he held as indubitable he 
should make a good fortune by that voyage, if strange occur- 
rences altered not the course of his designs. They directed 
their course towards the continent, where they arrived in few 
days upon the coast of Costa Rica, with all their fleet entire. 
No sooner had they discovered land than Captain Morgan 
declared his intentions to the Captains, and presently after 

| unto all the rest of the company. He told them he intended 
in that expedition to plunder Porto ey ac that he would 

| 135 


perform it by night, being resolved to put the whole city to 
the sack, not the least corner escaping his diligence. More- 
over, to encourage them, he added: This enterprize could not 
fail to succeed well, seeing he had kept it secret in his mind 
without revealing it to anybody ; whereby they could not have 
notice of his coming. Unto this proposition some made answer : 
They had not a sufficient number of men wherewith to assault so 
strong and great a city. But Captain Morgan replied: Jf our 
number ts small, our hearts are great. And the fewer persons we 
are, the more union and better shares we shall have in the spoil. 
Hereupon, being stimulated with the ambition of those vast 
riches they promised themselves from their good success, they 
unanimously concluded to venture upon that design. But 
now, to the intent my reader may better comprehend the 
incomparable boldness of this exploit, it may be necessary 
to say something beforehand of the city of Porto Bello. 

The city which bears this name in America is seated in the 
Province of Costa Rica, under the latitude of 10 degrees 
North, at the distance of 14 leagues from the Gulf of Darien, 
and 8 Westwards from the port called Nombre de Dios. It is 
judged to be the strongest place that the King of Spain 
possesses in all the West Indies, excepting two, that is to say 
Havana and Cartagena. Here are two castles, almost in- 
expugnable, that defend the city, being situated at the entry 
of the port, so that no ship or boat can pass without permission. 
The garrison consists of three hundred soldiers, and the town 
constantly inhabited by four hundred families, more or less. 
The merchants dwell not here, but only reside for awhile, 
when the galleons come or go from Spain, by reason of the 
unhealthiness of the air, occasioned by certain vapours that 
exhale from the mountains. Notwithstanding, their chief 
warehouses are at Porto Bello, howbeit their habitations are 
all the year long at Panama, whence they bring the plate upon 
mules at such times as the fair begins, and when the ships 
belonging to the Company of Negroes arrive here to sell slaves. 

Captain Morgan, who knew very well all the avenues of this 
city, as also all the neighbouring coasts, arrived in the dusk 
of the evening at the place called Puerto de Naos, distant ten 
leagues towards the West of Porto Bello. Being come unto 
this place, they mounted the river in their ships, as far as 
another harbour called Puerto Pontin, where they came to an 



anchor. Here they put themselves immediately into boats 
and canoes, leaving in the ships only a few men to keep them 
and conduct them the next day unto the port. About mid- 
night they came to a certain place called Estera Longa Lemos, 
where they all went on shore, and marched by land to the first 
posts of the city. They had in their company a certain 
Englishman who had been formerly a prisoner in those parts 
and who now served them for a guide. Unto him, and three 
or four more, they gave commission to take the sentry, if 
possible, or kill him upon the place. But they laid hands on 
him and apprehended him with such cunning that he had no 
time to give warning with his musket or make any other noise. 
Thus they brought him, with his hands bound, unto Captain 
Morgan, who asked him: How things went in the city, and what 
forces they had ; with many other circumstances, which he was 
desirous to know. After every question, they made him a 
thousand menaces to kill him, in case he declared not the truth. 
Thus they began to advance towards the city, carrying always 
the said sentry bound before them. Having marched about 
one quarter of a league, they came unto the castle that is nigh 
unto the city, which presently they closely surrounded, so that 
no person could get either in or out of the said fortress. 

Being thus posted under the walls of the castle, Captain 
Morgan commanded the sentry whom they had taken prisoner 
to speak unto those that were within, charging them to sur- 
render and deliver themselves up to his discretion—otherwise 
they should be all cut to pieces, without giving quarter to any 
one. But they would hearken to none of these threats, beginning 
instantly to fire ; which gave notice unto the city, and this 
was suddenly alarmed. Yet, notwithstanding, although the 
Governor and soldiers of the said castle made as great resist- 
ance as .could be performed, they were constrained to 
surrender unto the Pirates. These no sooner had taken the 
castle but they resolved to be as good as their words, in putting 
the Spaniards to the sword, thereby to strike a terror into the 
rest of the city. Hereupon, having shut up all the soldiers 
and officers as prisoners into one room, they instantly set fire 
to the powder (whereof they found great quantity), and blew 
up the whole castle into the air, with all the Spaniards that were 
within. This being done, they pursued the course of their 
victory, falling upon the city, which as yet was not in order 

138 Aor ORT HE CAS Tiss 

to receive them. Many of the inhabitants cast their precious 
jewels and moneys into wells and cisterns, or hid them in other 
places underground, to excuse, as much as were possible, 
their being totally robbed. One party of the Pirates, being 
assigned to this purpose, ran immediately to the cloisters, and 
took as many religious men and women as they could find. 
The Governor of the city not being able to rally the citizens 
through the huge confusion of the town, retired unto one of 
the castles remaining, and thence began to fire incessantly at 
the Pirates. But these were not in the least negligent either 
to assault him or defend themselves with all the courage 
imaginable. Thus it was observable that, amidst the horror of 
the assault, they made very few shot in vain. For, aiming 
with great dexterity at the mouths of the guns, the Spaniards 
were certain to lose one or two men every time they charged 
each gun anew. 

The assault of this castle where the Governor was continued 
very furious on both sides, from break of day until noon. 
Yea, about this time of the day the case was very dubious 
which party should conquer or be conquered. At last the 
Pirates, perceiving they had lost many men and as yet advanced 
but little towards the gaining either this or the other castles 
remaining, thought to make use of fireballs, which they threw 
with their hands, designing if possible to burn the doors of 
the castle. But, going about to put this into execution, 
the Spaniards from the wall let fall great quantities of 
stones and earthen pots full of powder and other combustible 
matter, which forced them to desist from that attempt. 
Captain Morgan, seeing this generous defence made by the 
Spaniards, began to despair of the whole success of the 
enterprize. Hereupon many faint and calm meditations came 
into his mind ; neither could he determine which way to turn 
himself in that straitness of affairs. Being involved in these 
thoughts, he was suddenly animated to continue the assault 
by seeing the English colours put forth at one of the lesser 
castles, then entered by his men, of whom he presently after 
spied a troop that came to meet him, proclaiming victory 
with loud shouts of joy. This instantly put him upon new 
resolutions of making new efforts to take the rest of the castles 
that stood out against him, especially seeing the chiefest 
citizens were fled unto them and had conveyed thither great 


part of their riches, with all the plate belonging to the churches 
and other things dedicated to divine service, 

Unto this effect, therefore, he ordered ten or twelve ladders 
to be made, in all possible haste, so broad that three or four 
men at once might ascend by them. These being finished, 
he commanded all the religious men and women whom he 
had taken prisoners to fix them against the walls of the castle. 
Thus much he had beforehand threatened the Governor to 
perform, in case he delivered not the castle. But his answer 
was: He would never surrender himself alive. Captain 
Morgan was much persuaded that the Governor would not 
employ his utmost forces, seeing religious women and 
ecclesiastical persons exposed in the front of the soldiers to the 
greatest dangers. Thus the ladders, as I have said, were put 
into the hands of religious persons of both sexes ; and these 
were forced, at the head of the companies, to raise and apply 
them to the walls. But Captain Morgan was fully deceived 
in his judgment of this design. For the Governor who acted 
like a brave and courageous soldier, refused not, in performance 
of his duty, to use his utmost endeavours to destroy whosoever 
came near the walls. The religious men and women ceased 
not to cry unto him and beg of him by all the Saints of Heaven 
he would deliver the castle, and hereby spare both his and their 
own lives. But nothing could prevail with the obstinacy and 
fierceness that had possessed the Governor’s mind. Thus 
many of the religious men and nuns were killed before they 
could fix the ladders—which at last being done, though with 
great loss of the said religious people, the Pirates mounted 
them in great numbers, and with no less valour, having fireballs 
in their hands, and earthen pots full of powder—all which 
things, being now at the top of the walls, they kindled and 
cast in among the Spaniards. 

This effort of the Pirates was very greatyinsomuch as the 
Spaniards could no longer resist nor defend the castle, which 
was now entered. Hereupon they all threw down their arms, 
and craved quarter for their lives. Only the Governor of the 
city would admit or crave no mercy, but rather killed many of 
the Pirates with his own hands, and not a few of his own 
soldiers, because they did not stand to their arms. And, 
although the Pirates asked him if he would have quarter, yet 
he constantly answered: By no means: I had rather die as 


a valiant soldier than be hanged asa coward. They endeavoured, 
as much as they could, to take him prisoner. But he defended 
himself so obstinately that they were forced to kill him, 
notwithstanding all the cries and tears of his own wife and 
daughter, who begged of him upon their knees he would 
demand quarter and save his life. When the Pirates had 
possessed themselves of the castle, which was about night, 
they enclosed therein all the prisoners they had taken, placing 
the women and men by themselves with some guards upon 
them. All the wounded were put into a certain apartment by 
itself, to the intent their own complaints might be the cure of 
their diseases, for no other was afforded them. 

This being done, they fell to eating and drinking after 
their usual manner—that is to say, committing in both these 
things all manner of debauchery and excess. These two vices 
were immediately followed by many insolent actions of rape 
and adultery committed upon very honest women, as well 
married as virgins, who being threatened with the sword 
were constrained to submit their bodies to the violence 
of these lewd and wicked men. After such manner 
they delivered themselves up to all sort of debauchery 
of this kind, that if there had been found only fifty 
courageous men, they might easily have retaken the city, 
and killed all the Pirates. The next day, having plundered 
all they could find, they began to examine some of the 
prisoners (who had been persuaded by their companions to 
say they were the richest of the town), charging them severely 
to discover where they had hidden their riches and goods. 
But, not being able to extort anything out of them, as they 
were not the right persons who possessed any wealth, they at 
last resolved to torture them. This they performed with 
such cruelty that many of them died upon the rack, or pres- 
ently after. Soon after, the President of Panama had news 
brought him of the pillage and ruin of Porto Bello. This 
intelligence caused him to empioy all his care and industry to 
raise forces, with design to pursue and cast out the Pirates 
thence. But these cared little for what extraordinary means 
the President used, as having their ships nigh at hand and 
being determined to set fire unto the city and retreat. They 
had now been at Porto Bello fifteen days, in which space of 
time they had lost many of their men, both by the unhealthiness 


of the country and the extravagant debaucheries they had 

Hereupon they prepared for a departure, carrying on board 
their ships all the pillage they had gotten. But, before all, 
they provided the fleet with sufficient victuals for the voyage. 
While these things were getting ready, Captain Morgan sent 
an injunction unto the prisoners, that they should pay him 
a ransom for the city, or else he would by fire consume it to 
ashes and blow up all the castles into the air. Withal he 
commanded them to send speedily two persons to seek and 
procure the sum he demanded, which amounted to 100,000 
pieces-of-eight. Unto this effect two men were sent to the 
President of Panama, who gave him an account of all these 
tragedies. The President, having now a body of men in a 
readiness, set forth immediately towards Porto Bello, to 
encounter the Pirates before their retreat. But these people, 
hearing of his coming, instead of flying away went out to meet 
him at a narrow passage through which of necessity he ought to 
pass. Here they placed an hundred men very well armed, the 
which at the first encounter put to flight a good party of those 
of Panama. This accident obliged the President to retire for 
that time, as not being yet in a posture of strength to proceed 
any farther. Presently after this encounter, he sent a message 
unto Captain Morgan, to tell him: That, in case he departed 
not suddenly with all his forces from Porto Bello, he ought to 
expect no quarter for himself nor his companions, when he 
should take them, as he hoped soon to do. Captain Morgan, who 
feared not his threats, as knowing he had a secure retreat 
in his ships which were nigh at hand, made him answer: He 
would not deliver the castles before he had received the contribution- 
money he had demanded. Which in case it were not paid down, 
he would certainly burn the whole city, and then leave it, demolish- 
ing beforehand the castles and killing the prisoners. 

The Governor of Panama perceived by this answer no means 
would serve to mollify the hearts of the Pirates, nor reduce 
them to reason. Hereupon he determined to leave them, as 
also those of the city, whom he came to relieve, involved in 
the difficulties of making the best agreement they could with 
their enemies. Thus in few days more the miserable citizens 
gathered the contribution wherein they were fined, and brought 
the entire sum of 100,000 pieces-of-eight unto the Pirates for 


a ransom of the cruel captivity they were fallen into. But 
the President of Panama, by these transactions, was brought 
into an extreme admiration, considering that four-hundred 
men had been able to take such a great city with so many 
strong castles, especially seeing they had no pieces of cannon 
nor other great guns wherewith to raise batteries against them. 
And, what was more, knowing that the citizens of Porto Bello 
had always great repute of being good soldiers themselves, 
and who had never wanted courage in their own defence. 
This astonishment was so great that it occasioned him, for 
to be satisfied herein, to send a messenger unto Captain 
Morgan, desiring him to send him some small pattern of those 
arms wherewith he had taken with such violence so great a 
city. Captain Morgan received this messenger very kindly, 
and treated him with great civility. Which being done, he 
gave him a pistol and a few small bullets of lead, to carry back 
unto the President, his master, telling him withal: He desired 
him to accept that slender pattern of the arms wherewith he had 
taken Porto Bello, and keep them for atwelvemonth ; after which 
time he promised to come to Panama and fetch them away. The 
Governor of Panama returned the present very soon to Captain 
Morgan, giving him thanks for the favour of lending him 
such weapons as he needed not, and withal sent him a ring of 
gold, with this message: That he desired him not to give him- 
self the labour of coming to Panama, as he had done to Porto 
Bello, for he did certify to him, he should not speed so well here 
as he had done there. 

After these transactions, Captain Morgan (having provided 
his fleet with all necessaries, and taken with him the best guns 
of the castles, nailing the rest which he could not carry away) 
set sail from Porto Bello with all his ships. With these he 
arrived in few days unto the island of Cuba, where he sought 
out a place wherein with all quiet and repose he might make the 
dividend of the spoil they had gotten. They found in ready 
money 250,000 pieces-of-eight, besides all other merchandizes, 
as cloth, linen, silks, and other goods. With this rich purchase 
they sailed again thence unto their common place of ren- 
dezvous, Jamaica. Being arrived, they passed here some time 
in all sorts of vices and debauchery, according to their common 
manner of doing, spending with huge prodigality what others 
had gained with no small labour and toil. 


Capiain Morgan takes the city of Maracaibo, on the coast of 
New Venezuela. Piracies committed in those seas. Ruin 
of three Spanish ships that were set forth to hinder the 
robberies of the Pirates 

Nort long after the arrival of the Pirates at Jamaica, being 
precisely that short time they needed to lavish away all the 
riches above-mentioned, they concluded upon another enter- 
prize whereby to seek new fortunes. , Unto this effect Captain 
Morgan gave orders to all the Commanders of his ships to meet 
together at the island called De la Vaca, or Cow Isle, seated 
on the South side of the isle of Hispaniola, as has been men- 
tioned above. As soon as they came to this place, there 
flocked unto them great numbers of other Pirates, both French 
and English, by reason the name of Captain Morgan was now 
rendered famous in all the neighbouring countries for the great 
enterprizes he had performed. / There was at that present at 
Jamaica an English ship newly come from New England, 
well mounted with thirty-six guns. This vessel likewise, by 
order of the Governor of Jamaica, came to join with Captain 
Morgan to strengthen his fleet and give him greater courage to 
attempt things of huge consequence. With this supply 
Captain Morgan judged himself sufficiently strong, as having 
a ship of such port being the greatest of his fleet, in his com- 
pany. Notwithstanding, there being in the same _ place 
another great vessel that carried 24 iron guns and twelve of 
brass, belonging to the French, Captain Morgan endeavoured 
as much as he could to join this ship in like manner unto his 
own. But the French, not daring to repose any trust in the 
English, of whose actions were not a little jealous, denied 
absolutely to consent unto any such thing. 

/ The French Pirates belonging to this great ship had accident- 

ally met at sea an English vessel ; and, being then under an 
: 143 


extreme necessity of victuals, they had taken some provisions 
out of the English ship without paying for them, as having 
peradventure no ready money on board. Only they had 
given them bills-of-exchange, for Jamaica. and Tortuga, to 
receive money there for what they had taken. - Captain 
Morgan, having notice of this accident and perceiving he could 
not prevail with the French Captain to follow him in that 
expedition, resolved to lay hold on this occasion as a pretext 
to ruin the French and seek his own revenge. Hereupon he 
invited, with dissimulation, the French commander and 
several of his men to dine with him on board the great ship 
that was come from Jamaica, as was said before. Being 
come thither, he made them all prisoners, pretending the 
injury aforementioned done to the English vessel in taking 
away some few provisions without pay. 

This unjust action of Captain Morgan was soon followed by 
divine punishment, as we may very rationally conceive. The 
manner I shall instantly relate. Captain Morgan, presently 
after he had taken the French prisoners abovesaid, called a 
council to deliberate what place they should first pitch 
upon, in the course of this new expedition. At this council 
it was determined to go to the isle of Savona, there to wait 
for the flota which was then expected from Spain, and take any 
of the Spanish vessels that might chance to straggle from the 
rest. This resolution being taken, they began on board the 
great ship to feast one another for joy of their new voyage and 
happy council, as they hoped it would prove. In testimony 
hereof, they drank many healths, and discharged many guns, 
as the common sign of mirth among seamen used to be. Most 
of the men being drunk, by what accident is not known the ship 
suddenly was blown up into the air, with 350 Englishmen, 
besides the French prisoners above-mentioned that were in 
the hold. Of all which number there escaped only thirty men, 
who were in the great cabin at some distance from the main 
force of the powder. Many more ’tis thought might have 
escaped, had they not been so much overtaken with wine. 

The loss of such a great ship brought much consternation 
and conflict of mind upon the English. They knew not whom 
to blame; but at last the accusation was laid upon the 
French prisoners, whom they suspected to have fired the 
powder of the ship wherein they were, out of design to revenge 


themselves, though with the loss of their own lives. Hereupon 
they sought to be revenged on the French anew, and accumu- 
late new accusations unto the former, whereby to seize the 
ship and all that was in it. /With this design they forged 
another pretext against the said ship, by saying the French 
designed to commit piracy upon the English. The grounds 
of this accusation were given them by a commission from the 
Governor of Barracoa, found on board the French vessel, 
wherein were these words: That the said Governor did permit 
the French to trade in all Spanish ports, etc. . .. as also 
to cruize upon the English Pirates in what place soever they 
could find them, because of the multitude of hostilities which they 
had committed against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty in 
time of peace betwixt the two Crowns. This Commission for 
trade was interpreted by the English as an express order to 
exercise piracy and war against them, notwithstanding it 
was only a bare licence for coming into the Spanish ports ; 
the cloak of which permission were those words inserted : 
That they should cruize upon the English. And, although the 
French did sufficiently expound the true sense of the said 
Commission, yet they could not clear themselves unto Captain 
Morgan nor his council. But, in lieu hereof, the ship and men 
were seized and sent unto Jamaica. Here they also en- 
deavoured to obtain justice and the restitution of their ship, 
by all the means possible. But all was in vain ; for, instead of 
justice, they were long time detained in prison and threatened 
with hanging. 

Eight days after the loss of the said ship, Captain Morgan 
commanded the bodies of the miserable wretches who were 
blown up to be searched for, as they floated upon the waters of 
the sea. This he did, not out of any design of affording them 
Christian burial, but only to obtain the spoil of their clothes 
and other attire. And, if any had golden rings on their fingers, 
these were cut off for purchase, leaving them in that condition 
exposed to the voracity of the monsters of the sea.” At last 
they set sail for the isle of Savona, being the place of their 
assignation. They were in all 15 vessels, Captain Morgan 
commanding the biggest, which carried only 14 small guns. 
The number of men belonging to this fleet were nine-hundred- 
and-threescore. In few days after, they arrived at the Cape 
called Cabo de Lobos, on the South side of the isle of His- 



paniola, between Cape Tiburon and Cape Punta d’Espada. 
Hence they could not pass, by reason of contrary winds that 
continued the space of three weeks, notwithstanding all the 
endeavours Captain Morgan used to get forth, leaving no 
means unattempted thereunto. At the end of this time they 
doubled the cape, and presently after spied an English vessel 
at a distance. Having spoken with her, they found she came 
from England, and bought of her for ready money some 
provisions they stood in need of. 

Captain Morgan proceeded in the course of his voyage, till 
he came unto the port of Ocoa. Here he landed some of his 
men, sending them into the woods to seek water and what 
provisions they could find, the better to spare such as he had 
already on board his fleet. They killed many beasts, and 
among other animals some horses. But the Spaniards, being 
not well satisfied at their hunting, attempted to lay a strata- 
gem for the Pirates. Unto this purpose they ordered three or 

four hundred men to come from the city of San Domingo, not. 

far distant from this port, and desired them to hunt in all the 
parts thereabouts adjoining the sea, to the intent that, if 
any Pirates should return, they might find no subsistence. 
Within a few days the same Pirates returned, with design to 
hunt. But, finding nothing to kill, a party of them, being 
about fifty in number, straggled farther on into the woods. 
The Spaniards, who watched all their motions, gathered a great 
herd of cows, and set two or three men to keep them. The 
Pirates having spied this herd, killed a sufficient number there- 
of ; and, although the Spaniards could see them at a distance, 
yet they would not hinder their work for the present. But, 
as soon as they attempted to carry them away, they set upon 
them with all fury imaginable, crying: Mata, mata! that is, 
Kill, kill! Thus the Pirates were soon compelled to quit the 
prey, and retreat towards their ships as well as they could. 
This they performed, notwithstanding, in good order, retiring 
from time to time by degrees ; and, when they had any good 
opportunity, discharging full volleys of shot upon the 
Spaniards. By this means the Pirates killed many of the 
enemies, though with some loss on their own side. 

The rest of the Spaniards, seeing what damage they had 
sustained, endeavoured to save themselves by flight, and 
carry off the dead bodies and wounded of their companions. 



The Pirates, perceiving them to flee, could not content them- 
selves with what hurt they had already done, but pursued 
them speedily into the woods, and killed the greatest part of 
those that were remaining. The next day Captain Morgan, 
being extremely offended at what had passed, went himself 
with 200 men into the woods, to seek for the rest of the 
Spaniards. But, finding nobody there, he revenged his wrath 
upon the houses of the poor and miserable rustics that inhabit 
scatteringly those fields and woods: of which he burnt a 
greatnumber. With this he returned unto his ships, something 
more satisfied in his mind, for having done some considerable 
damage unto the enemy, which was always his most ardent 

The huge impatience wherewith Captain Morgan had waited 
now this long while for some of his ships, which were not yet 
arrived, made him resolve to set sail without them, and steer 
his course for the isle of Savona, the place he had always 
designed. Being arrived there, and not finding any of his 
ships as yet come, he was more impatient and concerned than 
before, as fearing their loss, or that he must proceed without 
them. Nothwithstanding, he waited for their arrival some 
few days longer. In the meanwhile, having no great plenty of 
provisions, he sent a crew of 150 men to the isle of Hispaniola, 
to pillage some towns that were nigh unto the city of San 
Domingo. But the Spaniards, having had intelligence of 
their coming, were now so vigilant and in such good posture 
of defence that the Pirates thought it not convenient to assault 
them, choosing rather to return empty-handed unto Captain 
Morgan’s presence than to perish in that desperate enter- 

At last Captain Morgan, seeing the other ships did not come, 
made a review of his people, and found only five-hundred men, 
more or less. The ships that were wanting were seven, he 
having only eight in his company, of which the greatest part 
were very small. Thus, having hitherto resolved to cruize 
upon the coasts of Caracas, and plunder all the towns and 
villages he could meet, finding himself at present with such 
small forces, he changed his resolution, by the advice of a 
French Captain that belonged to his fleet. This Frenchman had 
served L’Ollonais in like enterprizes, and was at the taking 
of Maracaibo, whereby he knew all the entries, passages, 


forces, and means how to put in execution the same again 
in the company of Captain Morgan, unto whom, having made 
a full relation of all, he concluded to sack it again the second 
time, as being himself persuaded, with all his men, of the 
facility the Frenchman propounded. Hereupon they weighed 
anchor, and steered their course towards Curacao. Being 
come within sight of that island, they landed at another, which 
is nigh unto it, and is called Ruba, seated about twelve leagues 
from Curacao, towards the West. This island is defended but 
by a slender garrison, and is inhabited by Indians, who are 
subject to the Crown of Spain, and speak Spanish by reason of 
the Roman Catholic religion, which is here cultivated by some 
few priests that are sent from time to time from the neighbour- 
ing continent. 

The inhabitants of this isle exercise a certain commerce 
or trade with the Pirates that go and come this way. These 
buy of the islanders sheep, lambs, and kids, which they 
_ exchange unto them for linen, thread, and other things of this 
kind. The country is very dry and barren, the whole sub- 
stance thereof consisting in those three thingsabove-mentioned, 
and in a small quantity of wheat, which is of no bad quality,’ 
This isle produces a great number of venomous insects, as 
vipers, spiders, and others. These last are so pernicious here 
that, if any man is bitten by them, he dies mad. ‘And the 
manner of recovering such persons is to tie them very fast 
both hands and feet, and in this condition to leave them for 
the space of four-and-twenty hours without eating or drinking 
the least thing imaginable. “Captain Morgan, as was said, 
having cast anchor before this island, bought of the inhabitants 
many sheep, lambs, and also wood, which he needed for all 
his fleet. “Having been there two days he set sail again, in the 
time of the night, to the intent they might not see what course 
he steered. 

The next day they arrived at the sea of Maracaibo, having 
always great care of not being seen from Vigilias, for which 
reason they anchored out of the sight of the watch-tower. 
Night being come, they set sail again towards the land, and the 
next morning by break of day found themselves directly over 
against the bar of the lake above-mentioned. The Spaniards had 
built another fort since the action of L’Ollonais, whence they 
did now fire continually against the Pirates, while they were 

The Towne of Puerto 



putting their men into boats for to land. The dispute con- 
tinued very hot on both sides, being managed with huge 
courage and valour from morning till dark night. This being 
come, Captain Morgan, in the obscurity thereof, drew nigh 
unto the fort ; which having examined, he found nobody in 
it, the Spaniards having deserted it not long before. They 
left behind them a match kindled nigh unto a train of powder, 
wherewith they designed to blow up the Pirates and the whole 
fortress, as soon as they were in it. This design had taken 
effect, had the Pirates failed to discover it the space of one 
quarter of an hour. But Captain Morgan prevented the 
mischief by snatching away the match with all speed, whereby 
he saved both his own and his companions’ lives. They found 
here great quantity of powder, whereof he provided his fleet ; 
and afterwards demolished part of the walls, nailing sixteen 
pieces of ordnance, which carried from 12 to 24 pound of bullet. 
Here they found also great number of muskets and military 

The next day they commanded the ships to enter the bar ; 
among which, they divided the powder, muskets, and other 
things they found in the fort. These things being done, they 
embarked again, to continue their course towards Maracaibo. 
But the waters were very low, whereby they could not pass a 
certain bank that lies at the entry of the lake. Hereupon they 
were compelled to put themselves into canoes and small boats, 
with which they arrived the next day before Maracaibo, 
having no other defence but some small pieces which they 
could carry in the said boats. Being landed, they ran immedi- 
ately to the fort called De la Barra, which they found in like 
manner as the preceding, without any person in it ; for all were 
fled before them into the woods, leaving also the town without 
any people, unless a few miserable poor folk who had nothing 
to lose. 

As soon as they had entered the town, the Pirates searched 
every corner thereof, to see if they could find any people that 
were hidden who might offend them at unawares. Not 
finding anybody, every party, according as they came out of 
their several ships, chose what houses they pleased to them- 
selves, the best they could find. The church was deputed for 
the common corps de garde, where they lived after their military 
manner, committing many insolent actions. The next day 


after their arrival, they sent a troop of 100 men to seek for the 
inhabitants and their goods. These returned the next day 
following, bringing with them to the number of thirty persons, 
between men, women, and children, and fifty mules laden 
with several good merchandize. All these miserable prisoners 
were put to the rack, to make them confess where the rest of 
the inhabitants were and their goods. Amongst other tor- 
tures then used, one was to stretch their limbs with cords, and 
at the same time beat them with sticks and other instruments. 
Others had burning matches placed betwixt their fingers, 
which were thus burnt alive. Others had slender cords or 
matches twisted about their heads, till their eyes burst out of 
the skull. Thus all sort of inhuman cruelties were executed 
upon those innocent people. Those who would not confess, or 
who had nothing to declare, died under the hands of those 
tyrannical men. These tortures and racks continued for the 
space of three whole weeks, in which time they ceased not to 
send out, daily, parties of men to seek for more people to 
torment and rob; they never returning home without booty 
and new riches. 

Captain Morgan, having now gotten by degrees into his hands 
about one hundred of the chiefest families, with all their goods, 
at last resolved to go to Gibraltar, even as L’Ollonais had done 
before. With this design he equipped his fleet, providing it 
very sufficiently with all necessary things. He put likewise 
on board all the prisoners ; and thus, weighing anchor, set sail 
for the said place, with resolution to hazard the battle. They 
had sent before them some prisoners unto Gibraltar, to 
denounce unto the inhabitants they should surrender : other- 
wise Captain Morgan would certainly put them all to the 
sword, without giving quarter to any person he should find 
alive. Not long after, he arrived with his fleet before Gibraltar, 
whose inhabitants received him with continual shooting of 
great cannon-bullets. But the Pirates, instead of fainting 
hereat, ceased not to encourage one another, saying: We 
must make one meal upon bitter things before we come to taste the 
sweetness of the sugar this place affords. 

The next day, very early in the morning, they landed all 
their men. And, being guided by the Frenchman above- 
mentioned, they marched towards the town, not by the com- 
mon way but crossing through the woods ; which way the 


Spaniards scarce thought they would have come. For, at the 
beginning of their march, they made appearance as if they 
intended to come the next and open way that led unto the 
town, hereby the better to deceive the Spaniards. But these, 
remembering as yet full well what hostilities L’Ollonais had 
committed upon them but two years before, thought it not safe 
to expect the second brunt, and hereupon were all fled out of the 
town as fast as they could, carrying with them all their goods 
and riches as also all the powder, and having nailed all the 
great guns: insomuch as the Pirates found not one person in 
the whole city, excepting one only poor and innocent man who 
was born a fool. This man they asked whither the inhabitants 
were fled, and where they had absconded their goods. Unto 
all which questions and the like he constantly made answer : 
I know nothing, I know nothing. But they presently put him 
to the rack, and tortured him with cords; which torments forced 
him to cry out: Do not torture me any more, but come with me 
and I will show you my goods and my riches. They were 
persuaded, as it should seem, he was some rich person who had 
disguised himself under those clothes so poor as also that 
innocent tongue. Hereupon they went along with him; and 
he conducted them to a poor and miserable cottage, wherein 
he had a few earthen dishes and other things of little or no 
value ; and amongst these, three pieces-of-eight, which he had 
concealed with other trumpery underground. After this, 
they asked him his name, and he readily made answer: My 
name is Don Sebastian Sanchez, and I am brother unto the 
Governor of Maracaibo. This foolish answer, it must be con- 
ceived, these men, though never so inhuman, took for a certain 
truth. For no sooner had they heard it, but they put him 
again upon the rack, lifting him up on high with cords, and tying 
huge weights unto his feet and neck ; besides which cruel and 
stretching torment, they burnt him alive, applying palm-leaves 
burning unto his face, under which miseries he died in half-an- 
hour. After his death they cut the cords wherewith they had 
stretched him, and dragged him forth into the adjoining woods, 
where they left him without burial. 

The same day they sent out a party of Pirates to seek for 
the inhabitants, upon whom they might employ their inhuman 
cruelties. These brought back with them an honest peasant 
with two daughters .of his, whom they had taken prisoners, 


and whom they intended to torture as they used to do with 
others, in case they showed not the places where the inhabi- 
tants had absconded themselves. The peasant knew some of 
the said places, and hereupon, seeing himself threatened with 
the rack, went with the Pirates to show them. But the 
Spaniards, perceiving their enemies to range everywhere up 
and down the woods, were already fled thence much farther 
off into the thickest parts of the said woods, where they built 
themselves huts, to preserve from the violence of the weather 
those few goods they had carried with them. The Pirates 
judged themselves to be deceived by the said peasant ; and 
hereupon, to revenge their wrath upon him, notwithstanding 
all the excuses he could make and his humble supplications 
for his life, they hanged him upon a tree. 

After this, they divided into several parties, and went to 
search the plantations. For they knew the Spaniards that 
were absconded could not live upon what they found in the 
woods, without coming now and then to seek provisions at 
their own country-houses. Here they found a certain slave, 
unto whom they promised mountains of gold and that they 
would give him his liberty by transporting him unto Jamaica, 
in case he would show them the places where the inhabitants 
of Gibraltar lay hidden. This fellow conducted them unto a 
party of Spaniards, whom they instantly made all prisoners, 
commanding the said slave to kill some of them before the 
eyes of the rest ; to the intent that by this perpetrated crime 
he might never be able to leave their wicked company. The 
negro, according to their orders, committed many murders and 
insolent actions upon the Spaniards, and followed the unfor- 
tunate traces of the Pirates, who, after the space of eight days, 
returned unto Gibraltar with many prisoners and some mules 
laden with riches. They examined every prisoner by himself 
(who were in all about 250 persons) where they had absconded 
the rest of their goods, and if they knew of their fellow-towns- 
men. Such as would not confess were tormented after a most 
cruel and inhuman manner. Among the rest, there happened 
to be a certain Portuguese, who by the information of a negro 
was reported, though falsely, to be very rich. This man was 
commanded to produce his riches. But his answer was, he 
had no more than 100 pieces-of-eight in the whole world, and 
that these had been stolen from him two days before by a 


servant of his. Which words, although he sealed with many 
oaths and protestations, yet they would not believe. But 
dragging him unto the rack, without any regard unto his age, 
as being three-score years old, they stretched him with cords, 
breaking both his arms behind his shoulders. 

This cruelty went not alone. For he not being able or will- 
ing to make any other declaration than the above said, they 
put him to another sort of torment that was worse and more 
barbarous than the preceding. They tied him with small cords 
by his two thumbs and great-toes unto four stakes that were 
fixed in the ground at a convenient distance, the whole weight 
of his body being pendent in the air upon those cords. Then 
they thrashed upon the cords with great sticks and all their 
strength, so that the body of this miserable man was ready to 
perish at every stroke, under the severity of those horrible 
pains. Not satisfied as yet with this cruel torture, they took 
a stone which weighed above 200 pound, and laid it upon his 
belly, as if they intended to press him to death. At which 
time they also kindled palm-leaves, and applied the flame unto 
the face of this unfortunate Portuguese, burning with them the 
whole skin, beard, and hair. At last these cruel tyrants, seeing 
that neither with these tortures nor others they could get any- 
thing out of him, they untied the cords, and carried him, being 
almost half-dead, unto the church, where was their corps du 
garde. Here they tied him anew to one of the pillars thereof, 
leaving him in that condition, without giving him either to 
eat or drink unless very sparingly and so little as would 
scarce sustain life, for some days. Four or five being past, 
he desired that one of the prisoners might have the liberty to 
come to him, by whose means he promised he would endeavour 
to raise some money to satisfy their demands. The prisoner 
whom he required was brought unto him, and he ordered him 
to promise the Pirates 500 spieces-of-eight for his ransom. 
But they were both deaf and obstinate at such a small sum, 
and, instead of accepting it, did beat him cruelly with cudgels, 
saying unto him: Old fellow, instead of 500 you must say 
500,000 preces-of-eight ; otherwise you shall here end your life. 
Finally, after a thousand protestations that he was but a 
miserable man and kept a poor tavern for his living, he agreed 
with them for the sum of 1000 pieces-of-eight. These he 
raised in few days, and, having paid them unto the Pirates, 


got his liberty, although so horribly maimed in his body 
that ‘tis scarce to be believed he could supervive many weeks 

Several other tortures besides these were exercised upon 
others, which this Portuguese endured not. Some were 
hanged up by the testicles or by their privy members and left 
in that condition till they fell unto the ground, those private 
parts being torn from their bodies. If with this they were 
minded to show themselves merciful to those wretches, thus 
lacerated in the most tender parts of their bodies, their mercy 
was to run them through and through with their swords, and 
by this means rid them soon of their pains and lives. Other- 
wise, if this were not done, they used to lie four or five days 
under the agonies of death, before dying. Others were cruci- 
fied by these tyrants, and with kindled matches were burnt 
between the joints of their fingers and toes. Others had their 
feet put into the fire, and thus were left to be roasted alive. 
At last, having used both these and other cruelties with the 
white men, they began to practice the same over again with 
the negroes, their slaves, who were treated with no less 
inhumanity than their masters. 

Among these slaves was found one who promised Captain 
Morgan to conduct him unto a certain river belonging to the 
lake, where he should find a ship and four boats richly laden 
with goods that belonged unto the inhabitants of Maracaibo. 
The same slave discovered likewise the place where the 
Governor of Gibraltar lay hidden, together with the greatest 
part of the women of the town. But all this he revealed, 
through great menaces wherewith they threatened to hang him 
in case he told not what he knew. Captain Morgan sent away 
presently 200 men in two saéfzes, or great boats, towards the 
river above-mentioned,to seek for what the slave had discovered. 
But he himself, with two-hundred-and-fifty more, undertook 
to goand take the Governor. This gentleman was retired unto 
a small island seated in the middle of the river, where he had 
built a little fort, after the best manner he could, for his defence. 
But hearing that Captain Morgan came in person with great 
forces to seek him, he retired farther off unto the top of a moun- 
tain not much distant from that place; unto which there was 
no ascent but by a very narrow passage—yea, this was so 
straight that whosoever did pretend to gain the ascent must 


of necessity cause his men to pass one by one. Captain 
Morgan spent two days before he could arrive at the little 
island above-mentioned. Thence he designed to proceed unto 
the mountain where the Governor was posted, had he not been 
told of the impossibility he should find in the ascent, not only 
of the narrowness of the path that led to the top, but also be- 
cause the Governor was very well provided with all sorts of 
ammunition above. Besides that, there was fallen an huge 
rain, whereby all the baggage belonging to the Pirates, and 
their powder, was wet. By this rain also they had lost many of 
their men at the passage over a river that was overflown. 
Here perished likewise some women and children, and many 
mules laden with plate and other goods; all which they 
had taken in the fields from the fugitive inhabitants. So 
that all things were in a very bad condition with Captain 
Morgan, and the bodies of his men as much harassed, as ought 
to be inferred from this relation. Whereby, if the Spaniards in 
that juncture of time had had but a troop of fifty men well 
armed with pikes or spears, they might have entirely destroyed 
the Pirates, without any possible resistance on their side. But 
the fears which the Spaniards had conceived from the begin- 
ning were so great, that, only hearing the leaves on the trees to 
stir, they often fancied them to be Pirates. Finally, Captain 
Morgan and his people, having upon this march sometimes 
waded up to their middles in water for the space of half or 
whole miles together, they at last escaped for the greatest part. 
But of the women and children they brought home prisoners, 
the major part died. 

Thus twelve days after they set forth to seek the Governor, 
they returned unto Gibraltar with a great number of prisoners. 
Two days after, arrived also the two saéties that went unto the 
river, bringing with them four boats and some prisoners. But, 
as to the greatest part of the merchandize that were in the said 
boats, they found them not, the Spaniards having unladed 
and secured them, as having intelligence beforehand of the 
coming of the Pirates. Whereupon they designed also, when 
the merchandize were all taken out, to burn the boats. Yet 
the Spaniards made not so much haste as was requisite to un- 
lade the said vessels, but that they left both in the ship and 
boats great parcels of goods, which, they being fled from thence, 
the Pirates seized, and brought thereof a considerable booty 


unto Gibraltar. Thus, after they had been in possession of 
the place five entire weeks, and committed there infinite number 
of murders, robberies, rapes, and suchlike insolences, they 
concluded upon their departure. But, before this could be 
performed, for the last proof of their tyranny they gave orders 
unto some prisoners to go forth into the woods and fields, and 
collect a ransom for the town ; otherwise they would certainly 
burn every house down to the ground. Those poor afflicted 
men went forth as they were sent. And, after they had 
searched every corner of the adjoining fields and woods, they 
returned to Captain Morgan, telling him they had scarce been 
able to find anybody. But that unto such as they had found, 
they had proposed his demands, to which had they made answer 
that the Governor had prohibited them to give any ransom 
for not burning the town. But, notwithstanding any pro- 
hibition to the contrary, they beseeched him to have a little 
patience, and among themselves they would collect to the sum 
of 5000 pieces-of-eight ; and, for the rest, they would give him 
some of their own townsmen as hostages, whom he might 
carry with him to Maracaibo, till such time as he had received 
full satisfaction. 

Captain Morgan, having now been long time absent from 
Maracaibo and knowing the Spaniards had had sufficient time 
wherein to fortify themselves and hinder his departure out of 
the lake, granted them their proposition above-mentioned ; 
and withal made as much haste as he could to set things in 
order for his departure. He gave liberty to all the prisoners, 
having beforehand put them every one to the ransom; yet 
he detained all the slaves with him. They delivered unto 
him four persons that were agreed upon for hostages of what 
sums of money more he was to receive from them ; and they 
desired to have the slave of whom we made mention above, 
intending to punish him according to his deserts. But 
Captain Morgan would not deliver him, being persuaded they 
would burn him alive. At last they weighed anchor, and set 
sail with all the haste they could, directing their course towards 
Maracaibo. Here they arrived in four days, and found all 
things in the same posture they had left them when they 
departed. Yet here they received news, from the information 
of a poor distressed old man, who was sick and whom alone 
they found in the town, that three Spanish men-of-war were 


arrived at the entry of the lake, and there waited for the 
return of the Pirates out of those parts. Moreover, that the 
castle at the entry thereof was again put into a good posture 
of defence, being well provided with guns and men and all 
sorts of ammunition. 

This relation of the old man could not choose but cause 
some disturbance in the mind of Captain Morgan, who now 
was careful how to get away through those narrow passages of 
the entry of the lake. Hereupon he sent one of his boats, the 
swiftest he had, to view the entry and see if things were as 
they had been related. The next day the boat came back, 
confirming what was said, and assuring they had viewed the 
ships so nigh that they had been in great danger of the shot 
they made at them. Hereunto they added that the biggest 
ship was mounted with 40 guns, the second with 30, and the 
smallest with four-and-twenty. These forces were much 
beyond those of Captain Morgan; and hence they caused a 
general consternation in all the Pirates, whose biggest vessel 
had not above 14 small guns. Every one judged Captain 
Morgan to despond in his mind and be destitute of all manner 
of hopes, considering the difficulty either of passing safely with 
his little fleet amidst those great ships and the fort, or that he 
must perish. How to escape any other way by sea or land, 
they saw no opportunity nor convenience. Only they could 
have wished that those three ships had rather come over the 
lake to seek them at Maracaibo than to remain at the mouth 
of the strait where they were. For at that passage they 
must of necessity fear the ruin of their fleet, which consisted 
only for the greatest part of boats. 

Hereupon, being necessitated to act as well as he could, 
Captain Morgan resumed new courage, and resolved to show 
himself as yet undaunted with these terrors. To this intent 
he boldly sent a Spaniard unto the Admiral of those three 
ships, demanding of him a considerable tribute or ransom 
for not putting the city of Maracaibo to the flame. This 
man (who doubtless was received by the Spaniards with 
great admiration of the confidence and boldness of those 
Pirates) returned two days after, bringing unto Captain 
Morgan a letter from the said Admiral, whose contents were 
as follows :— 


Letter of Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, Admiral of the 
Spanish Fleet, unto Captain Morgan, commander of 
the pirates. 

Having understood by all our friends and neighbours the unex- 
pected news that you have dared to attempt and commit hostilities 
in the countries, cities, towns, and villages belonging unto the 
dominions of his Catholic Majesty, my Sovereign Lord and 
Master, I let you understand by these lines that I am come. unto 
this place, according to my obligation, nigh unto tha .astle 
which you took out of the hands of a parcel of cowards. where 
I have put things into a very good posture of defence, and mounted 
again the artillery which you had nailed and dismounted. My 
intent 1s to dispute with you your passage out of the lake, and 
follow and pursue you everywhere, to the end you may see the 
performance of my duty. Notwithstanding, 1f you be contented 
to surrender with humility all that you have taken, together with 
the slaves and all other prisoners, I will let you freely pass, 
without trouble or molestation ; upon condi‘ ion that you retire 
home presently unto your own country. But, acase that you make 
any resistance or opposition unto these things that I proffer unto 
you, I do assure you I will command boats to come from Caracas, 
wherein I will put my troops, and, coming to Maracaibo, will 
cause you utterly to perish, by putting you every man to the sword. 
This 1s my last and absolute resolution. Be prudent, therefore, 
and do not abuse my bounty with ingratitude. I have with me 
very good soldiers, who desire nothing more ardently than to 
revenge on you and your people all the cruelties and base infamous 
actions you have committed upon the Spanish nation in America. 
Dated on board the Royal Ship named the Magdalen, lying at 
anchor at the entry of the Lake of Maracaibo, this 24th day of 
April, 1669. 
Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa 

As soon as Captain Morgan had received this letter, he called 
all his men together in the market-place of Maracaibo ; and, 
after reading the contents thereof, both in French and English, 
he asked their advice and resolutions upon the whole matter, 
and whether they had rather surrender all they had purchased, 
to obtain their liberty, than fight for it. 

They answered all unanimously : They had rather fight, and 
spill the very last drop of blood they had in their veins, than 
surrender so easily the booty they had gotten with so much danger 
of their lives. Among the rest, one was found who said unto 


Captain Morgan: Take you care for the rest, and I will under- 
take to destroy the biggest of those ships with only twelve men. 
The manner shall be by making a briilot, or fire-ship, of that 
vessel we took in the river of Gibraltar—which, to the intent she 
may not be known for a fire-ship, we will fill her decks with logs 
of wood, standing with hats and montera caps", to deceive their 
sight with the representation of men. The same we will do at the 
port-holes that serve for guns, which shall be filled with counter- 
feit cannon. At the stern we will hang out the English colours, 
and persuade the enemy she is one of our best men-of-war that 
goes to fight them. This proposition, being heard by the Junta?, 
was admitted and approved of by every one, howbeit their 
fears were not quite dispersed. 

For, notwithstanding what had been concluded there, they 
endeavoured the next day to see if they could come to an 
accommodation with Don Alonso. Unto this effect Captain 
Morgan sent him two persons, with these following proposi- 
tions. First: That he would quit Maracaibo, without doing 
any damage to the town, nor exacting any ransom for the firing 
thereof. Secondly: That he would set at liberty one half of 
the slaves, and likewise all other prisoners, without ransom. 
Thirdly : That he would send home freely the four chief inhabi- 
tants of Gibraltar which he had in his custody as hostages for the 
contributions those people had promised to pay. These propo- 
sitions from the Pirates, being understood by Don Alonso, 
were instantly rejected by every one, as being dishonourable 
for him to grant. Neither would he hear any word more of 
any other accommodation, but sent back this message: That 
in case they surrendered not themselves voluntarily into his hands 
within the space of two days, under the conditions which he had 
offered them by his letter, he would immediately come and force 
them to do tt. 

No sooner had Captain Morgan received this message from 
Don Alonso than he put all things in order to fight, resolving 
to get out of the lake by main force, and without surrendering 
anything. In the first place, he commanded all the slaves and 

1 Montera, a Spanish hunting-cap: cf. Hawkins, Voyage to the South 
Seas [1593-1622], § xiii: ‘‘. . . upon their heads they weare a night- 
capp, upon it a montero, and a hat over that.” 

2 Junta, Spanish, a meeting, council: cf. Howell, Letters [1622], iii, 
x: “a particular Junta of some of the Counsell of State and War might 
be appointed to determine the businesse.’’ 


prisoners to be tied and guarded very well. After this, they 
gathered all the pitch, tar, and brimstone they could find in 
the whole town, wherewith to prepare the fire-ship above- 
mentioned. Likewise they made several inventions of powder 
and brimstone, with great quantities of. palm-leaves, very well 
ointed with tar. They covered very well their counterfeit 
cannon, laying under every piece thereof many pounds of 
powder. Besides which, they cut down many outworks 
belonging to the ship, to the end the powder might exert its 
strength the better. Thus they broke open also new port- 
holes, where, instead of guns they placed little drums, of which 
the negroes make use. Finally, the decks were handsomely 
beset with many pieces of wood dressed up in the shape of 
men with hats, as monteras, and likewise armed with swords, 
muskets, and bandoliers. 

The brilot, or fire-ship, being thus fitted to then’ purpose, 
they prepared themselves to go to the entry of the port. 
All the prisoners were put into one great boat, and in another 
of the biggest they placed all the women, plate, jewels, and 
other rich things which they had. Into others, they put all the 
bales of goods and merchandize, and other things of greatest 
bulk. Each of these boats had twelve men on board, very 
well armed. The bvilot had orders to go before the rest of the 
vessels, and presently to fall foul with the great ship. All 
things being in readiness, Captain Morgan exacted an oath 
of all his comrades, whereby they protested to defend them- 
selves against the Spaniards even to the last drop of blood, 
without demanding quarter at any rate: promising them 
withal that whosoever thus behaved himself should be very 
well rewarded. 

With this disposition of mind and courageous resolution, 
they set sail to seek the Spaniards on the 30th day of April, 
1669. They found the Spanish fleet riding at anchor in the 
middle of the entry of the lake. Captain Morgan, it being 
now late and almost dark, commanded all his vessels to come 
to an anchor, with design to fight thence even all night, if 
they should provoke him thereunto. He gave orders that a 
careful and vigilant watch should be kept on board every vessel 
till the morning, they being almost within shot, as well as 
within fight, of the enemy. The dawning of the day being 
come, they weighed anchors, and set sail again, steering their 

pehoufep vpruay yfiuody IY. 


course directly towards the Spaniards, who, observing them 
to move, did instantly the same. The fire-ship, sailing before 
the rest, fell presently upon the great ship, and grappled 
to her sides in a short while. Which, by the Spaniards being 
perceived to be a fire-ship, they attempted to escape the danger 
by putting her off ; but in vain, and too late. For the flame 
suddenly seized her timber and tackling, and in a short space 
consumed all the stern, the forepart sinking into the sea, 
whereby she perished. The second Spanish ship, perceiving 
the Admiral to burn, not by accident but by industry of the 
enemy, escaped towards the castle, where the Spaniards them- 
selves caused her to sink, choosing this way of losing their 
ship, rather than to fall into the hands of those Pirates, which 
they held for inevitable. The third, as having no oppor- 
tunity nor time to escape, was taken by the Pirates. The sea- 
men that sank the second ship nigh unto the castle, perceiving 
the Pirates to come towards them to take what remains they 
could find of their ship-wreck (for some part of the bulk was 
extant above water), set fire in like manner unto this vessel, 
to the end the Pirates might enjoy nothing of that spoil. The 
first ship being set on fire, some of the persons that were in her 
swam towards the shore. These the Pirates would have taken 
up in their boats, but they would neither ask nor admit of any 
quarter, choosing rather to lose their lives than receive them 
from the hands of'their persecutors, for such reasons as I shall 
relate hereafter. 

The Pirates were extremely gladded at this signal victory, 
obtained in so short a time and with so great inequality of 
forces ; whereby they conceived greater pride in their minds 
than they had before. Hereupon they all presently ran ashore, 
intending to take the castle. This they found very well pro- 
vided both with men, great cannon, and ammunition—they 
having no other arms than muskets and a few fire-balls in 
their hands. Their own artillery they thought incapable, for 
its smallness, of making any considerable breach in the walls. 
Thus they spent the rest of that day firing at the garrison with 
their muskets till the dusk of the evening, at which time they 
attempted to advance nigh unto the walls, with intent to throw 
in the fire-balls. But the Spaniards, resolving to sell their 
lives as dear as they could, continued firing so furiously at 
them that they thought it not convenient to approach any 


nearer nor persist any longer in that dispute. Thus, having 
experienced the obstinacy of the enemy, and seeing thirty of 
their own men already dead and as many more wounded, they 
retired unto their ships. 

The Spaniards, believing the Pirates would return the next 
day to renew the attack, as also make use of their own cannon 
against the castle, laboured very hard all night to put things 
in order for their coming. But more particularly they em- 
ployed themselves that night in digging down and making 
plain some little hills and eminent places whence possibly the 
castle might be offended. 

But Captain Morgan intended not to come ashore again, 
busying himself the next day in taking prisoners some of the 
men who still swam alive upon the waters, and hoping to get 
part of the riches that were lost in the two ships that perished. 
Among the rest he took a certain pilot, who was a stranger and 
who belonged to the lesser ship of the two, with whom he held 
much discourse, inquiring of him several things. Such ques- 
tions were: What number of people those three ships had had in 
them ? Whether they expected any more ships to come? From 
what port they set forth the last time, when they came to seek them 
out ? His answer unto all these questions was as follows, 
which he delivered in the Spanish tongue : 

Noble Sir, be pleased to pardon and spare me, that no evil 
be done unto me, as being a stranger unto this nation I have 
served, and shall sincerely inform you of all [that] passed till our 
arrival at this lake. We were sent by orders from the Supreme 
Council of State in Spain, being 6 men-of-war well equipped 
into these seas, with instructions to cruize upon the English 
pirates, and root them out from these parts by destroying as many 
of them as we could. These orders were given by reason of the 
news brought unto the Court of Spain of the loss and ruin of 
Porto Bello and other places. Of all which damages and hos- 
tilities committed here by the English very dismal lamentations 
have oftentimes penetrated the ears of both the Catholic King and 
Council, unto whom belongs the care and preservation of this 
New World. And, although the Spanish Court has many 
times by their ambassadors sent complaints hereof unto the 
King of England, yet it has been the constant answer of his 
Majesty of Great Britain: That he never gave any letters- 
patent nor commissions for the acting any hostility whatsoever 
against the subjects of the King of Spain. Hereupon the Catholic 




King, being resolved to revenge his subjects and punish these 
proceedings, commanded six men-of-war to be equipped, which 
he sent into these parts under the command of Don Augustin 
de Bustos, who was constituted Admiral of the said fleet. He 
commmanded the biggest ship thereof, named Na Sa’ de la Soledad, 
mounted with eight-and-forty great guns and eight small ones. 
The Vice-Admiral was Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, who 
commanded the second ship, called La Concepcion, which carried 
forty-four great guns and eight small ones. Besides which 
vessels, there were also four more, whereof the first was named 
the Magdalen, and was mounted with 36 great guns and 12 small 
ones, having on board 250 men. The second was called St Lewis, 
with 26 great guns, 12 small ones and 200 men. The third was 
called La Marquesa, which carried 16 great guns, 8 small ones 
and 150 men. The fourth and last, Na Sa! del Carmen, with 18 
great guns, 8 small ones, and likewise 150 men. 

We were now arrived at Cartagena, when the two greatest ships 
received orders to return into Spain, as being judged too big for 
cruizing upon these coasts. With the four ships remaining, 
Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa departed thence towards 
Campeche, to seek out the English. We arrived at the port of 
the said city, where, being surprised by a huge storm that blew 
from the north we lost one of our four ships, being that which I 
named in the last place among the rest. Hence we set sail for 
the isle of Hispaniola, in sight of which we came within few days, 
and directed our course unto the port of San Domingo. Here 
we received intelligence there had passed that way a fleet from 
Jamaica, and that some men thereof having landed at a place 
called Alta Gracia, the inhabitants had taken one of them prisoner, 
who confessed their whole design was to go and pillage the city 
of Caracas. With these news Don Alonso instantly weighed 
anchor, and set sail thence, crossing over unto the continent, till 
we came in sight of Caracas. Here we found not the English, 
but happened to meet with a boat which certified us they were in 
the Lake of Maracaibo, and that the fleet consisted of 7 small 
ships and one boat. 

Upon this intelligence we arrived here; and, coming nigh 
unto the entry of the lake, we shot off a gun to demand a pilot from 
the shore. Those on land, percewwing that we were Spaniards, 
came willingly to us with a pilot, and told us that the English 
had taken the city of Maracatbo, and that they were at present 
at the pillage of Gibraltar. Don Alonso, having understood this 
news, made a handsome speech to all his soldiers and mariners, 
encouraging them to perform their duty, and withal promising 

1 Nuestra Sefiora, Our Lady. 


to divide among them all they should take from the English. 
After this, he gave order that the guns which we had taken out 
of the ship that was lost should be put into the castle, and there 
mounted for its defence, with 2 pieces more out of his own ship, 
of 18 pounds port each. The pilots conducted us into the port, 
and Don Alonso commanded the people that were on shore to come 
unto his presence, unto whom he gave orders to repossess the 
castle, and reinforce tt with 100 men more than it had before tts 
being taken by the English. Not long after, we received news 
that you were returned from Gibraltar unto Maracaibo, unto 
which place Don Alonso wrote you a letter, giving you account 
of his arrival and design, and withal exhorting you to restore 
all that you had taken. This you refused to do; whereupon he 
renewed his promises and intentions to his soldiers and seamen. 
And, having given a very good supper unto all his people, he 
persuaded them neither to take nor give any quarter unto the 
English that should fall into their hands. This was the occasion 
of so many being drowned, who dared not to crave any quarter 
for their lives, as knowing their own intentions of giving none. 
Two days before you came against us, a certain negro came on 
board Don Alonso’s ship, telling him: Sir, be pleased to have 
great care of yourself, for the English have prepared a fire-ship 
with desire to burn your fleet. But Don Alonso would not believe 
this intelligence, his answer being: How can that be? Have 
they, peradventure, wit enough to build a fireship? or what 
instruments have they [to] do tt withal ? / 

The pilot above-mentioned, having related so distinctly all 
the aforesaid things unto Captain Morgan, was very well used 
by him, and, after some kind proffers made unto him, remained 
in hisservice. He discovered, moreover, unto Captain Morgan, 
that in the ship which was sunk there was a great quantity of 
plate, even to the value of 40,000 pieces-of-eight ; and that 
this was certainly the occasion they had oftentimes seen the 
Spaniards in boats about the said ship. Hereupon Captain 
Morgan ordered that one of his ships should remain there to 
watch all occasions of getting out of the said vessel what plate 
they could. In the meanwhile he himself, with all his fleet, 
returned unto Maracaibo, where he refitted the great ship he 
had taken of the three afore-mentioned. And, now being well 
accommodated, he chose it for himself, giving his own bottom 
to one of his Captains. 

After this he sent again a messenger unto the Admiral, who 


was escaped on shore and got into the castle, demanding of him 
a tribute or ransom of fire for the town of Maracaibo ; which 
being denied, he threatened he would entirely consume and 
destroy it. The Spaniards, considering how unfortunate they 
had been all along with those Pirates, and not knowing after 
what manner to get rid of them, concluded among themselves 
to pay the said ransom, although Don Alonso would not consent 
unto it. 

Hereupon they sent unto Captain Morgan to ask what sum 
he demanded. He answered them he would have 30,000 
pieces-of-eight, and 500 beeves, to the intent his fleet might be 
well victualled with flesh. This ransom being paid, he promised 
in such case he would give no farther trouble unto the prisoners, 
nor cause any ruin or damage unto the town. Finally they 
agreed with him upon the sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight, 
besides the 500 beeves. The cattle the Spaniards brought in 
the next day, together with one part of the money. And, 
while the pirates were busied in salting the flesh, they returned 
with the rest of the whole sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight, for 
which they had agreed. 

But Captain Morgan would not deliver for that present the 
prisoners, as he had promised to do, by reason he feared the 
shot of the artillery of the castle at his going forth of the lake. 
Hereupon he told them he intended not to deliver them till 
such time as he was out of that danger, hoping by this means 
to obtain a free passage. Thus he set sail with all his fleet 
in quest of that ship which he had left behind, to seek for the 
plate of the vessel that was burnt. He found her upon the 
place, with the sum of 15,000 pieces-of-eight, which they had 
purchased out of the wreck, besides many other pieces of plate, 
as hilts of swords and other things of this kind; also great 
quantity of pieces-of-eight that were melted and run together 
by the force of the fire of the said ship. 

Captain Morgan scarce thought himself secure, neither could 
he contrive how to evade the damages the said castle might 
cause unto his fleet. Hereupon he told the prisoners it was 
necessary they should agree with the Governor to open the 
passage with security for his fleet ; unto which point, if he 
should not consent, he would certainly hang them all up in his 
ships. After this warning the prisoners met together to confer 
upon the persons they should depute unto the said Governor 


Don Alonso ; and they assigned some few among them for that 
embassy. These went unto him, beseeching and supplicating 
the Admiral he would have compassion and pity on those 
afflicted prisoners who were as yet, together with their wives 
and children, in the hands of Captain Morgan, and that unto this 
effect he would be pleased to give his word to let the whole fleet 
of Pirates freely pass, without any molestation, forasmuch as 
this would be the only remedy of saving both the lives of them 
that came with this petition as also of those who remained 
behind in captivity—all being equally menaced with the sword 
and gallows, in case he granted not this humble request. But 
Don Alonso gave them for answer a sharp reprehension of their 
cowardice, telling them: Jf you had been as loyal unto your 
King in hindering the entry of these Pirates as I shall do their 
going out, you had never caused these troubles, neither unto 
yourselves nor unto our whole nation, which have suffered so much 
through your pusillanimity. Ina word, I shall never grant your 
vequest, but shall endeavour to maintain that respect which is due 
unto my King, according to my duty. 

Thus the Spaniards returned to their fellow-prisoners with 
much consternation of mind and no hopes of obtaining their 
requests, telling unto Captain Morgan what answer they had 
received. His reply was: Jf Don Alonso will not let me pass, 
I will find means how to do it without him. Hereupon he began 
presently to make a dividend of all the booty they had taken 
in that voyage, fearing lest he might not have an opportunity 
of doing it in another place, if any tempest should arise and 
separate the ships, as also being jealous that any of the Com- 
manders might run away with the best part of the spoil which 
then did lie much more in one vessel than another. Thus they 
all brought in, according to their laws, and declared what they 
had ; having beforehand made an oath not to conceal the least 
thing from the public. The accounts being cast up, they found 
to the value of 250,000 pieces-of-eight in money and jewels, 
besides the huge quantity of merchandize and slaves: all 
which purchase was divided into every ship or boat, according 
to its share. 

The dividend being made, the question still remained on foot 
how they should pass the castle and get out of the lake. Unto 
this effect they made use of a stratagem, of no ill invention, 
which was as follows. On the day that preceded the night 



wherein they determined to get forth, they embarked many of 
their men in canoes, and rowed towards the shore, as if they 
' designed tolandthem. Here they concealed themselves under 
the branches of trees that hang over the coast for a while till 
they had laid themselves down along in the boats. Then the 
canoes returned unto the ships, with the appearance only of two 
or three men rowing them back, all the rest being concealed at 
the bottom of the canoes. Thus much only could be perceived 
from the castle ; and this action of false landing of men, for so 
we may call it, was repeated that day several times. Hereby 
the Spaniards were brought into persuasion the Pirates in- 
tended to force the castle by scaling it, as soon as night should 
come. This fear caused them to place most of their great guns 
on that side which looks towards the land, together with the 
main force of their arms, leaving the contrary side belonging 
to the sea almost destitute of strength and defence. 

Night being come, they weighed anchor, and by the light of 
the moon, without setting sail, committed themselves to the 
ebbing tide, which gently brought them down the river, till 
they were nigh unto the castle. Being now almost over against 
it, they spread their sails with all the haste they could possibly 
make. The Spaniards, perceiving them to escape, transported 
with all speed their guns from the other side of the castle, and 
began to fire very furiously at the Pirates. But these, having 
a favourable wind, were almost past the danger before those of 
the castle could put things into convenient order of offence. 
So that the Pirates lost not many of their men, nor received 
any considerable damage in their ships. Being now out of 
the reach of the guns, Captain Morgan sent a canoe unto the 
castle with some of the prisoners ; and the Governor thereof 
gave them a boat that every one might return to his own home. 
Notwithstanding, he detained the hostages he had from 
Gibraltar, by reason those of that town were not as yet come to 
pay the rest of the ransom for not firing the place. Just as he 
departed, Captain Morgan ordered seven great guns with 
bullets to be fired against the castle, as it were to take his leave 
of them. But they answered not so much as with a musket- 

The next day after their departure, they were surprised with 
a great tempest, which forced them to cast anchor in the depth 
of 5 or 6 fathom water. But the storm increased so much that 


they were compelled to weigh again and put out to sea, where 
they were in great danger of being lost. For if on either side 
they should have been cast on shore, either to fall into the 
hands of the Spaniards or of the Indians, they would certainly 
have obtained no mercy. At last the tempest being spent, 
the wind ceased, which caused much content and joy in the 
whole fleet. 

While Captain Morgan made his fortune by pillaging the 
towns above-mentioned, the rest of his companions, who 
separated from his fleet at the Cape de Lobos for to take the 
ship of which was spoken before, endured much misery, and 
were very unfortunate in all their attempts. For, being 
arrived at the isle of Savona, they found not Captain Morgan 
there, nor any of their companions. Neither had they the 
good fortune to find a letter which Captain Morgan at his 
departure left behind him in a certain place where in all prob- 
ability they would meet with it. Thus, not knowing what course 
to steer, they at last concluded to pillage some town or other, 
whereby to seek their fortune. They were in all 400 men, more 
or less, who were divided into ships and one boat. Being ready 
to set forth, they constituted an Admiral among themselves, 
by whom they might be directed in the whole affair. 
Unto this effect they chose a certain person who had _ be- 
haved himself very courageously at the taking of Porto Bello, 
and whose name was Captain Hansel. This Commander 
resolved to attempt the taking of the town of Comana, seated 
nigh upon the continent of Caracas, nigh threescore leagues 
from the West side of the isle of Trinidad. Being arrived 
there, they landed their men, and killed some few Indians 
that were near the coast. But approaching unto the town, 
the Spaniards, having in their company many Indians, dis- 
puted them the entry so briskly that with great loss and in 
great confusion they were forced to retire towards their ships. 
At last they arrived at Jamaica, where the rest of their 
companions who came with Captain Morgan ceased not to 
mock and jeer them for their ill success at Comana, often 
telling them: Let us see what money you brought from Comana, 
and wf it be as good silver as that which we bring from Maracaibo. 

The end of the Second Part 

PARI fi! 


Captain Morgan goes to the isle of Hispaniola to equip anew fleet, 
with intent to pillage again upon the coasts of the West 

CAPTAIN MorGAN perceived now that fortune favoured his 
arms by giving good success to all his enterprizes, which 
occasioned him, as it is usual in human affairs, to aspire to 
greater things, trusting she would always be constant unto 
him. Such was the burning of Panama, wherein fortune 
failed not to assist him, in like manner as she had done before, 
crowning the event of his actions with victory, howbeit she had 
led him thereunto through thousands of difficulties. The 
history hereof I shall now begin to relate, as being so much 
remarkable in all its circumstances as peradventure nothing 
more deserving memory may occur to be read by future ages. 

Not long after Captain Morgan arrived at Jamaica, he 
found many of his chief officers and soldiers reduced to their 
former state of indigence through their immoderate vices 
and debauchery. Hence they ceased not to importune him 
for new invasions and exploits, thereby to get something to 
expend anew in wine and strumpets, as they had already 
wasted what was purchased so little before... Captain Morgan, 
being willing to follow fortune while she called him, hereupon 
stopped the mouths of many of the inhabitants of Jamaica, 
who were creditors to his men for large sums of money, with 
the hopes and promises he gave them of greater achievements 
than ever by a new expedition he was going about. This 
being done, he needed not give himself much trouble to levy 
men for this or any other enterprize, his name being now so 



famous through all those islands as that alone would readily 
bring him in more men than he could well employ.” He under- 
took, therefore, to equip a new fleet of ships ; for which purpose 
he assigned the South side of the isle of Tortuga as a place of 
rendezvous. With this resolution, he wrote divers letters 
to all the ancient and expert Pirates there inhabiting, as also 
to the Governor of the said isle, and to the planters and hunters 
of Hispaniola, giving them to understand his intentions, and 
desiring their appearance at the said place, in case they intended 
to go with him. All these people had no sooner understood 
his designs but they flocked unto the place assigned in huge 
numbers, with ships, canoes, and boats, being desirous to obey 
his commands. Many who had not the convenience of coming 
unto him by sea traversed the woods of Hispaniola, and with 
no small difficulties arrived there by land. Thus all were 
present at the place assigned, and in readiness, against the 24th 
day of October, 1670. 

Captain Morgan was not wanting to be there according to 
his punctual custom, who came in his ship unto the same side 
of the island, to a port called by the French Port Couillon, 
over against the island De la Vaca, this being the place which 
he had assigned unto others. Having now gathered the 
greatest part of his fleet, he called a council, to deliberate about 
the means of finding provisions sufficient for so many people. 
Here they concluded to send four ships and one boat, manned 
with 400 men, over to the continent, to the intent they should 
rifle some country-towns and villages, and in these get all the 
corn or maize they could gather. They set sail for the con- 
tinent, towards the river De la Hacha, with design to assault 
a small village called La Rancheria, where is usually to be 
found the greatest quantity of maize of all those parts there- 
abouts. In the meanwhile Captain Morgan sent another 
party of his men to hunt in the woods, who killed there an 
huge number of beasts, and salted them. The rest of his 
companions remained in the ships, to clean, fit, and rig them 
out to sea, so, at the return of those who were sent abroad, 
all things might be in readiness to weigh anchor and follow 
the course of their designs. 

What happened in the river De la Hacha 

TuE four ships above-mentioned, after they had set sail from 
Hispaniola, steered their course till they came within sight of 
the river De la Hacha, where they were suddenly overtaken 
with atediouscalm. Being thus within sight of land becalmed 
for some days, the Spaniards inhabiting along the coasts, who 
had perceived them to be enemies, had sufficient time to pre- 
pare themselves for the assault, at least to hide the best part of 
their goods, to the end that, without any care of preserving 
them, they might be in readiness to retire when they found 
themselves unable to resist the force of the Pirates, by 
whose frequent attempts upon those coasts they had 
already learnt what they had to do in such cases. 
There was in the river at that present a good ship, which 
was come from Cartagena to lade maize, and was now when 
the Pirates came almost ready to depart. The men 
belonging to this ship endeavoured to escape, but, not 
being able to do it, both they and the vessel fell into their 
hands. This was a fit purchase for their mind, as being good 
part of what they came to seek for with so much care and toil. 
The next morning about break of day they came with their 
ships towards the shore, and landed their men, although the 
Spaniards made huge resistance from a battery which they 
had raised on that side where of necessity they were to land ; 
but, notwithstanding what defence they could make, they were 
forced to retire towards a village, unto which the Pirates 
followed them. Here the Spaniards, rallying again, fell upon 

them with great fury, and maintained a strong combat, which 

lasted till night was come ; but then, perceiving they had lost 
great number of men, which was no smaller on the Pirates’ 
side, they retired unto places more occult in the woods. 



The next day when the Pirates saw they were all fled, and 
the town left totally empty of people, they pursued them as 
far as they could possibly. In this pursuit they overtook a 
party of Spaniards, whom they made all prisoners and exer- 
cised the most cruel torments, to discover where they had 
hidden their goods: some were found who by the force of 
intolerable tortures confessed, but others who would not do the 
same were used more barbarously than the former. Thus, in 
the space of fifteen days that they remained there, they took 
many prisoners, much plate and movable goods, with all 
other things they could rob, with which booty they resolved 
to return unto Hispaniola. Yet, not contented with what 
they had already got, they dispatched some prisoners into the 
woods to seek for the rest of the inhabitants, and to demand 
of them a ransom for not burning the town. Unto this they 
answered, they had no money nor plate; but, in case they 
would be satisfied with a certain quantity of maize, they 
would give as muchas they could afford. The Pirates accepted 
this proffer, as being more useful to them at that occasion than 
ready money, and agreed they should pay 4000 hanegs? 
(or bushels) of maize. These were brought in three days after, 
the Spaniards being desirous to rid themselves as soon as 
possible of that inhuman sort of people. Having laded them 
on board their ships, together with all the rest of their pur- 
chase, they returned unto the island of Hispaniola, to give 
account unto their leader, Captain Morgan, of all they had 

They had now been absent five entire weeks, about the 
commission aforementioned, which long delay occasioned 
Captain Morgan almost to despair of their return, as fearing 
lest they were fallen into the hands of the Spaniards, especially 
considering that the place whereunto they went could easily 
be relieved from Cartagena and Santa Maria, if the inhabitants 
were anything careful to alarm the country: on the other side 
he feared lest they should have made some great fortune in 
that voyage, and with it escaped to some other place. But at 
last seeing his ships return, and in greater number than they 
had departed, he resumed new courage, this sight causing 
both him and his companions infinite joy. This was much 

1 hanega, Portug. fanega, a dry measure of capacity, about a 
bushel to a bushel and a half English. 


increased when, being arrived, they found them full laden 
with maize, whereof they stood in great need for the main- 
tenance of so many people, by whose help they expected great 
matters through the conduct of their Commander. 

After Captain Morgan had divided the said maize, as also 
the flesh which the hunters brought in, among all the ships 
according to the number of men that were in every vessel, 
he concluded upon the departure, having viewed beforehand 
every ship, and observed their being well equipped and clean. 
Thus he set sail, and directed his course towards Cape Tiburon, 
where he determined to take his measures and resolution of 
what enterprize he should take in hand. No sooner were they 
arrived there but they met with some other ships that came 
newly to join them from Jamaica. So that now the whole 
fleet consisted of 37 ships, wherein were 2000 fighting men, 
besides mariners and boys ; the Admiral hereof was mounted 
with 22 great guns and 6 small ones, of brass ; the rest carried 
some 20, some 16, some 18, and the smallest vessel at least 4, 
besides which they had great quantity of ammunition and 
fire balls, with other inventions of powder. 

Captain Morgan finding himself with such a great number of 
ships, divided the whole fleet into two squadrons, constituting 
a Vice-Admiral, and other officers and Commanders of the 
second squadron, distinct from the former. Unto every one 
of these he gave letters patent, or commissions, to act all 
manner of hostility against the Spanish nation, and take of 
them what ships they could, either abroad at sea or in the 
harbours, in like manner as if they were open and declared 
enemies (as he termed it) of the King of England, his pretended 
master. This being done, he called all his Captains and 
other officers together, and caused them to sign some articles 
of common agreement betwixt them, and in the name of all. 
Herein it was stipulated that he should have the hundredth 
part of all that was gotten to himself alone: That every 
captain should draw the shares of eight men, for the expenses 
of his ship, besides his own: That the surgeon, besides his 
ordinary pay, should have 200 pieces-of-eight, for his chest 
of medicaments: And every carpenter, above his common 
salary, should draw 100 pieces-of-eight. As to recompenses 
and rewards, they were regulated in this voyage much higher 
than was expressed in the First Part of this book. Thus, for 



the loss of both legs, they assigned 1500 pieces-of-eight or 15 
slaves, the choice being left to the election of the party ; for 
the loss of both hands, 1800 pieces-of-eight or 18 slaves ; for one 
leg, whether the right or the left, 600 pieces-of-eight or 6 slaves ; 
for a hand, as much as fora leg ; and for the loss of an eye, 100 
pieces-of-eight or 1 slave. Lastly, unto him that in any battle 
should signalize himself, either byentering the first any castle, or 
taking down the Spanish colours and setting up the English, 
they constituted 50 pieces-of-eight for a reward. In the head 
of these articles it was stipulated that all these extraordinary 
salaries, recompenses, and rewards should be paid out of the 
first spoil or purchase they should take, according as every 
one should then occur to be either rewarded or paid. 

This contract being signed, Captain Morgan commanded his 
Vice-Admirals and Captains to put all things in order, every 
one in his ship, for to go and attempt one of three places, either 
Cartagena, Panama, or Vera Cruz; but the lot fell upon 
Panama as being believed to be the richest of all three: not- 
withstanding this city being situated at such distance from 
the Northern sea, as they knew not well the avenues and entries 
necessary to approach unto it, they judged it necessary to go 
beforehand to the isle of St Catharine, there to find and pro- 
vide themselves with some persons who might serve them for 
guides in this enterprize ; for in the garrison of that island are 
commonly employed many banditti and outlaws belonging to 
Panama and the neighbouring places, who are very expert in 
the knowledge of all that country. But, before they pro- 
ceeded any farther, they caused an act to be published through 
the whole fleet, containing that, in case they met with any 
Spanish vessel, the first Captain who with his men should 
enter and take the said ship should have for his reward the 
tenth part of whatsoever should be found within her. 


Captain Morgan leaves the island of Hispaniola, and goes to that 
of St Catharine, which he takes 

CAPTAIN MorGAN and his companions weighed anchor from 
the Cape of Tiburon, the 16th day of December in the year 1670. 

_ Four days after they arrived within sight of the isle of St 

Per eam rs 

Catharine, which was now in possession of the Spaniards again, 
as was said in the Second Part of this history, and unto which 
they commonl banish all the malefactors of the Spanish 
dominions in the West Indies. In this island are found huge 
quantities of pigeons at certain seasons of the year; it is 
watered continually by four rivulets or brooks, whereof two 
are always dry in the summer season. Here is no manner of 
trade nor commerce exercised by the inhabitants, neither do 
they give themselves the trouble to plant more fruits than 
what are necessary for the sustentation of human life ; how- 
beit the country would be sufficient to make very good plan- 
tations of tobacco, which might render considerable profit, 
were it cultivated for that use. 

As soon as Captain Morgan came nigh unto the island with 
his fleet, he sent before one of his best sailing vessels to view 
the entry of the river and see if any other ships were there who 
might hinder him from landing ; as also fearing lest they should 
give intelligence of his arrival to the inhabitants of the island, 
and they by this means prevent his designs. 

The next day before sunrise, all the fleet came to anchor 
nigh unto the island, in a certain bay called Aguada Grande : 
upon this bay the Spaniards had lately built a battery, mounted 
with four pieces of cannon. Captain Morgan landed with 
1000 men, more or less, and disposed them into squadrons, 
beginning his march through the woods, although they had no 
other guides than some few of his own men who had been there 



before when Mansvelt took and ransacked the island. The 
same day they came unto a certain place where the Governor 
at other times did keep his ordinary residence: here they 
found a battery called The Platform, but nobody in it, the 
Spaniards having retired unto the lesser island, which, as was 
said before, is so nigh: unto the great one that a short bridge 
only may conjoin them. 

This lesser island aforesaid was so well fortified with forts 
and batteries round about it as might seem impregnable. 
Hereupon, as soon as the Spaniards perceived the pirates to 
approach, they began to fire upon them so furiously that they 
could advance nothing that day, but were contented to retreat 
a little, and take up their rest upon the grass in the open fields, 
which afforded no strange beds to these people, as being suffi- 
ciently used to such kind of repose: what most afflicted them 
was hunger, having not eaten the least thing that whole day. 
About midnight it began to rain so hard that those miserable 
people had much ado to resist so much hardship, the greatest 
part of them having no other clothes than a pair of seaman’s 
trousers or breeches and a shirt, without either shoes or 
stockings. Thus finding themselves in great extremity, they 
began to pull down a few thatched houses to make fires 
withal: ina word, they were in such condition that one hundred 
men, indifferently well armed, might easily that night have 
torn them allin pieces. The next morning about break of day 
the rain ceased, at which time they began to dry their arms, 
which were entirely wet, and proceed on their march. But 
not long after, the rain recommenced anew, rather harder than 
before, as if the skies were melted into waters, which caused 
them to cease from advancing towards the forts, whence the 
Spaniards did continually fire at the Pirates, seeing them to 

The Pirates were now reduced unto great affliction and 
danger of their lives through the hardness of the weather, 
their own nakedness, and the great hunger they sustained. 
For a small relief hereof, they happened to find in the fields an 
old horse, which was both lean and full of scabs and blotches, 
with galled back and sides. This horrid animal they instantly 
killed and flayed, and divided into small pieces among them- 
selves as far as it would reach, for many could not obtain one 
morsel, which they roasted and devoured without either salt or 


bread, more like unto ravenous wolves than men. The rain as 
yet ceased not to fall, and Captain Morgan perceived their minds 
to relent, hearing many of them say they would return on 
board the ships. Amongst these fatigues both of mind and 
body, he thought it convenient to use some sudden and 
almost unexpected remedy: unto this effect he commanded a 
canoe to be rigged in all haste, and colours of truce to be hanged 
out of it. This canoe he sent to the Spanish Governor of the 
island with this message: That if within a few hours he 
delivered not himself and all his men into his hands, he did by 
that messenger swear unto him and all those that were in his 
company, he would most certainly put them all to the sword, 
without granting quarter to any. 

After noon the canoe returned with this answer: That the 
Governor desired two hours’ time to deliberate with his officers in 
a full council about that affair ; which being past, he would give 
his positive answer to the message. The time now being elapsed 
the said Governor sent two canoes with white colours, and two 
persons, to treat with Captain Morgan ; but before they landed, 
they demanded of the Pirates two persons as hostages of their 
security. These were readily granted by Captain Morgan, 
who delivered unto them two of his Captains, for a mutual 
pledge of the security required. With this the Spaniards 
propounded unto Captain Morgan that their Governor in a 
full assembly had resolved to deliver up the island, as not being 
provided with sufficient forces to defend it against such an 
armada or fleet. But withal he desired that Captain Morgan 
would be pleased to use a certain stratagem of war, for the better 
saving of his own credit and the reputation of his officers both 
abroad and at home, which should be as follows: That 
Captain Morgan would come with his troops by night, nigh unto 
the bridge that joined the lesser island unto the great one, and there 
attack the fort of St Jerome: that at the same time all the ships 
of his fleet would draw nigh unto the castle of Santa Teresa, and 
attack it by sea, landing in the meanwhile some more troops 
near the battery called St Matthew : that these troops which were 
newly landed should by this means intercept the Governor by the 
way, as he endeavoured to pass unto St Jerome’s fort, and then 
take him prisoner, using the formality, as if they forced him to 
deliver the said castle ; and that he would lead the English into 
it, under the fraud of being his own troops ; that on one side and 


t’other there should be continual firing at one another, but without 
bullets, or at least into the air, so that no side might receive any 
harm by this device ; that thus having obtained two such consider- 
able forts, the chiefest of the isle, he needed not take care for the 
rest, which of necessity must fall by course into his hands. 

These propositions, every one, were granted by Captain 
Morgan, upon condition they should see them faithfully 
observed, for otherwise they should be used with all rigour 
imaginable: this they promised to do, and hereupon took 
their leaves, and returned to give account of their negotiation 
to the Governor. Presently after, Captain Morgan commanded 
the whole fleet to enter the port, and his men to be in readiness 
for to assault that night the castle of St Jerome. Thus the 
false alarm or battle began with incessant firing of great guns 
from both the castles against the ships, but without bullets, as 
was said before. Then the Pirates landed, and assaulted by 
night the lesser island, which they took, as also possession of 
both the fortresses, forcing all the Spaniards, in appearance, to 
fly unto the church. Before this assault Captain Morgan had 
sent word to the Governor he should keep all his men together 
in a body, otherwise, if the Pirates met any straggling 
Spaniards in the streets, they should certainly shoot them. 

The island being taken by this unusual stratagem, and all 
things put in due order, the Pirates began to make a new war 
against the poultry, cattle, and all sorts of victuals they could 
find. This was their whole employ for some days, scarce 
thinking of anything else than to kill those animals, roast, 
and eat, and make good cheer, as much as they could possibly 
attain unto. If wood was wanting, they presently fell upon 
the houses, and, pulling them down, made fires with the timber 
as had been done before in the field. The next day they num- 
bered all the prisoners they had taken upon the whole island, 
which were found to be in all 450 persons, between men, 
women, and children, viz. 190 soldiers belonging to the garrison, 
40 inhabitants who were married, 43 children, 34 slaves 
belonging to the King, with 8 children, 8 banditti ; 39 negroes 
belonging to private persons, with 27 female blacks and 34 
children. The Pirates disarmed all the Spaniards, and sent 
them out immediately unto the plantations to seek for pro- 
visions, leaving the women in the church, there to exercise 
their devotions. 


Soon after, they took a review of the whole island and all 
the fortresses belonging thereunto, which they found to be 
nine in all, as follows: the fort of St Jerome, nighest unto the 
bridge, had 8 great guns, of twelve, six, and eight pound 
carriage, together with 6 pipes of muskets, every pipe con- 
taining 10 muskets. Here they found still 60 muskets, with 
sufficient quantity of powder and all other sorts of ammunition. 
The second fortress, called St Matthew, had 3 guns, of 8 pound 
carriage each. The third and chiefest among all the rest, 
named Santa Teresa, had 20 great guns, of 18, 12, 8, and 6 
‘pound carriage, with 10 pipes of muskets, like those we said 
before, and 90 muskets remaining, besides all other warlike 
ammunition. This castle was built with stone and mortar, 
with very thick walls on all sides, and a large ditch round 
about it of 20-foot depth, the which although it was dry was 
very hard to get over. Here was no entry but through one 
door, which corresponded to the middle of the castle. Within 
it was a mount or hill, almost inaccessible, with four pieces of 
cannon at the top, whence they could shoot directly into the 
port. On the sea side this castle was impregnable, by reason 
of the rocks which surrounded it and the sea beating furiously 
upon them. In like manner, on the side of the land, it was so 
commodiously seated on a mountain that there was no access 
to it but by a path of three or four foot broad. The fourth 
fortress was named St Augustine, having 3 guns, of eight and 
six pound carriage. The fifth, named La Plattaforma de la 
Concepcion, had only 2 guns, of eight pound carriage. The 
sixth, by name San Salvador, had likewise no more than 2 
guns. The seventh, being called Plattaforma de los Artilleros, 
had also 2 guns. The eight, called Santa Cruz, had 3 guns. 
The ninth, which was called St Joseph’s Fort, had 6 guns, of 
twelve and eight pound carriage, besides two pipes of muskets 
and sufficient ammunition. 

In the storehouse were found above thirty-thousand pound 
of powder, with all other sorts of ammunition, which were 
transported by the Pirates on board the ships. All the guns 
were stopped and nailed, and the fortresses demolished, 
excepting that of St Jerome, where the Pirates kept their guard 
and residence. Captain Morgan inquired if any banditti were 
there from Panama or Porto Bello ; and hereupon three were 
brought before him,-who pretended to be very expert in all 


the avenues of those parts. He asked them if they would be 
his guides and show him the securest ways and passages unto 
Panama ; which if they performed, he promised them equal 
shares in all they should pillage and rob in that expedition, 
and that afterwards he would set them at liberty by trans- 
porting them unto Jamaica. These propositions pleased the 
banditti very well, and they readily accepted his proffers, 
promising to serve him very faithfully in all he should desire ; 
especially one of these three, who was the greatest rogue, thief, 
and assassin among them, and who had deserved for his 
crimes rather to be broken alive upon the wheel than punished 
with serving in a garrison. This wicked fellow had a great 
ascendancy over the other two banditti, and could domineer 
and command over them as he pleased, they not daring to 
refuse obedience to his orders. 

Hereupon Captain Morgan commanded four ships and one 
boat to be equipped and provided with all things necessary, for 
to go and take the castle of Chagre, seated upon the river of 
that name. Neither would he go himself with his whole fleet, 
fearing lest the Spaniards should be jealous of his farther 
designs upon Panama. In these vessels he caused to embark — 
400 men, who went to put in execution the orders of their chief 
Commander Captain Morgan, while he himself remained be- 
hind in the island of St Catharine, with the rest of the fleet, 
expecting to hear the success of their arms. 


Captain Morgan takes the castle of Chagre with four hundred 
men sent unto this purpose from the Isle of St Catharine 

CAPTAIN MorGAN, sending these four ships and a boat to the 
river of Chagre, chose for Vice-Admiral thereof a certain person 
named Captain Brodely. This man had been a long time in 
those quarters, and committed many robberies upon the 
Spaniards when Mansvelt took the isle of St Catharine, as was 
related in the Second Part of the history. He, being thereof 
well acquainted with those coasts, was thought a fit person for 
this exploit, his actions likewise having rendered him famous 
among the Pirates and their enemies the Spaniards. Captain 
Brodely being chosen Chief Commander of these forces, in 
three days after he departed from the presence of Captain 
Morgan arrived within sight of the said castle of Chagre, 
which by the Spaniards is called St Lawrence. This castle 
is built upon a high mountain, at the entry of the river, and 
surrounded on all sides with strong palisades, or wooden 
walls, being very well terre-pleined1, and filled with earth, 
which renders them as secure as the best walls made of stone 
or brick. The top of this mountain is in a manner divided into 
two parts, between which lies a ditch of the depth of thirty- 
foot. The castle itself has but one entry, and that by a draw- 
bridge which passes over the ditch aforementioned. On the 
land-side it had four bastions, that of the sea containing only 
two more. That part thereof which looks towards the South 
is totally inaccessible and impossible to be climbed, through 
the infinite asperity of the mountain. The North side is 

1 A French fortification term—the platform on top of a rampart : 
cf. ‘‘ If it fall so out that you cannot make trauerses vppon the terre- 
plaine, for that the enemy doth hinder it . , ,"’—Garrard, Art of Warre 
[1591], p. 317. 


surrounded by the river, which hereabouts runs very broad. 
At the foot of the said castle, or rather mountain, is seated a 
strong fort, with eight great guns; which commands and 
impedes the entry of the river. Not much lower are to be 
seen two other batteries, whereof each has 6 pieces of cannon, to 
defend likewise the mouth of the said river. At one side of 
the castle are built two great storehouses, in which are de- 
posited all sorts of warlike ammunition and merchandize, 
which are brought thither from the inner parts of the 
country. Nigh unto these houses is a high pair of stairs, 
hewed out of the rock, which serves to mount unto the 
top of the castle. On the West side of the said fortress lies 
a small port, which is not above seven or eight fathom 
deep, being very fit for small vessels, and of very good 
anchorage. Besides this, there lies before the castle, at the 
entry of the river, a great rock, scarce to be perceived above 
water, unless at low tides. 

No sooner had the Spaniards perceived the Pirates to come 
but they began to fire incessantly at them with the biggest of 
their guns. They came to an anchor in a small port, at the 
distance of a league more or less from the castle. The next 
morning very early they went on shore, and marched through 
the woods, to attack the castle on that side. This march 
continued until two of the clock of the afternoon before they 
could reach the castle, by reason of the difficulties of the way, 
andits mire and dirt. And, although their guides served them 
exactly, notwithstanding they came so nigh the castle at first 
that they lost many of their men with the shot from the guns, 
they being in an open place where nothing could cover nor 
defendthem. This much perplexed the Pirates in their minds, 
they not knowing what to do, nor what course to take, for on 
that side of necessity they must make the assault, and, being 
uncovered from head to foot, they could not advance one 
step without great danger. Besides that, the castle, both for 
its situation and strength, did cause them much to fear the 
success of that enterprize. But to give it over they dared 
not, lest they should be reproached and scorned by their 

At last, after many doubts and disputes among themselves, 
they resolved to hazard the assault and their lives after a most 
desperate manner. Thus they advanced towards the castle, 


with their swords in one hand and fire-balls in the other. The 
Spaniards defended themselves very briskly, ceasing not to 
fire at them with their great guns and muskets continually, 
crying withal: Come on, ye English dogs, enemies to God and 
our King ; let your other companions that are behind come on 
too ; ye shall not go to Panama this bout. After the Pirates had 
‘made some trial to climb up the walls, they were forced to 
retreat, which they accordingly did, resting themselves until 
night. This being come, they returned to the assault, to try if 
by the help of their fire-balls they could overcome and pull 
down the pales before the wall. This they attempted to do, 
and while they were about it there happened a very remark- 
able accident, which gave them the opportunity of the victory. 
One of the Pirates was wounded with an arrow in his back, 
which pierced his body to the other side. This instantly he 
pulled out with great valour at the side of his breast: then, 
taking a little cotton that he had about him, he wound it about 
the said arrow, and putting it into his musket, he shot it back 
into the castle. But the cotton, being kindled by the powder, 
occasioned two or three houses that were within the castle, as 
being thatched with palm-leaves, to take fire, which the 
Spaniards perceived not so soon as was necessary. For this 
fire, meeting with a parcel of powder, blew it up, and thereby 
caused great ruin, and no less consternation, to the Spaniards, 
who were not able to occur unto? this accident, not having 
seen the beginning thereof. 

Thus the Pirates, perceiving the good effect of the arrow and 
the beginning of the misfortune of the Spaniards, were infinitely 
gladded thereat. And, while they were busied in extinguish- 
ing the fire, which caused great confusion in the whole castle, 
having not sufficient water wherewithal to do it, the Pirates 
made use of this opportunity, setting fire likewise unto the 
palisades. Thus the fire was seen at the same time in several 
parts about the castle, which gave them huge advantage 
against the Spaniards. For many breaches were made at 
once by the fire among the pales, great heaps of earth falling 
down into the ditch. Upon these the Pirates climbed up, 
and got over into the castle, notwithstanding that some 
Spaniards who were not busied about the fire cast down 
upon them many flaming pots, full of combustible matter 
+ Latin occurrere, to meet, prevent, counteract, 


and odious smells, which occasioned the loss of many of the 

The Spaniards, notwithstanding the great resistance they 
made, could not hinder the palisades from being entirely burnt 
before midnight. Meanwhile the Pirates ceased not to persist 
in their intention of taking the castle. Unto which effect, 
although the fire was great, they would creep upon the ground 
as nigh unto it as they could, and shoot amidst the flames 
against the Spaniards they could perceive on the other side, 
and thus cause many to fall dead from the walls. When day 
was come, they observed all the movable earth that lay be- 
twixt the pales to be fallen into the ditch in huge quantity. 
So that now those within the castle did in a manner lie equally 
exposed to them without, as had been on the contrary before. 
Whereupon the Pirates continued shooting very furiously 
against them, and killed great numbers of Spaniards. For 
the Governor had given them orders not to retire from those 
posts which corresponded to the heaps of earth fallen into 
the ditch, and caused the artillery to be transported unto 
the breeches. 

Notwithstanding, the fire within the castle still continued, 
and now the Pirates from abroad used what means they could 
to hinder its progress, by shooting incessantly against it. 
One party of the Pirates was employed only to this purpose, 
and another commanded to watch all the motions of the 
Spaniards, and take all opportunities against them. About 
noon the English happened to gain a breach, which the Gover- 
nor himself defended with twenty-five soldiers. Here was 
performed a very courageous and warlike resistance by the 
Spaniards, both with muskets, pikes, stones,and swords. Yet, 
notwithstanding, through all these arms the Pirates forced and 
fought their way, till at last they gained the castle. The 
Spaniards who remained alive cast themselves down from the 
castle into the sea, choosing rather to die precipitated by their 
own selves (few or none surviving the fall) than to ask any 
quarter for their lives. The Governor himself retreated unto 
the corps du garde, before which were placed two pieces of 
cannon. Here he intended still to defend himself; neither 
would he demand any quarter. But at last he was killed with 
a musket-shot, which pierced his skull into the brain. 

The Governor being dead, and the corps du garde surrendered, 


they found still remaining in it alive to the number of thirty 
men, whereof scarce ten were not wounded. These informed 
the Pirates that eight or nine of their soldiers had deserted 
their colours, and were gone to Panama to carry news of their 
arrival and invasion. These thirty men alone were remain- 
ing of 314 wherewith the castle was garrisoned, among which 
number not one officer was found alive. These were all made 
prisoners, and compelled to tell whatsoever they knew of their 
designs and enterprizes. Among other things they declared 
that the Governor of Panama had notice sent him three weeks 
ago from Cartagena, how that the English were equipping a 
fleet at Hispaniola, with design to came to take the said city 
of Panama. Moreover, that this their intention had been 
known by a person who was run away from the Pirates, at the 
river De la Hacha, where they provided their fleet with corn. 
That, upon this news, the said Governor had sent 164 men to 
strengthen the garrison of that castle, together with much 
provision and warlike ammunition; the ordinary garrison 
whereof did only consist of 150 men ; so that in all they made 
the number aforementioned of 314 men, being all very well 
armed. Besides this they declared that the Governor of 
Panama had placed several ambuscades all along the river of 
Chagre ; and that he waited for their coming in the open fields 
of Panama, with 3600 men. 

The taking of this castle of Chagre cost the Pirates exces- 
sively dear in comparison to the small numbers they used to lose 
at other times and places: yea, their toil and labour here did far 
exceed what they sustained at the conquest of the isle of St 
Catharine and its adjacent. For, coming to number their 
men, they found they had lost above too, besides those that 
were wounded, whose number exceeded 70. They commanded 
the Spaniards that were prisoners to cast all the dead bodies 
of their own men down from the top of the mountain to the 
seaside, and afterwards to bury them. Such as were wounded 
were carried unto the church belonging to the castle, of which 
they made an hospital, and where also they shut up the women. 
Thus it was likewise turned into a place of prostitution, the 
Pirates ceasing not to defile the bodies of those afflicted 
widows with all manner of insolent actions and threats. 

Captain Morgan remained not long time the isle 
of St Catharine, after taking the castle of Chagre ; of which he 


had noticed presently sent him. Yet notwithstanding, before 
he departed thence, he caused to be embarked all the pro- 
visions [that] could be found, together with great quantities 
of maize, or Indian wheat, and cassava, whereof in like manner 
is made bread in those parts. He commanded likewise great 
store of provisions should be transported unto the garrison 
of the aforesaid castle of Chagre, from what parts soever they 
could be gotten. Atacertain place of the island they cast into 
the sea all guns belonging thereto, with a design to return and 
leave that island well garrisoned, unto the perpetual posses- 
sion of Pirates. Notwithstanding, he ordered all the houses 
and forts to be set on fire, excepting only the castle of St Teresa, 
which he judged to be the strongest and securest wherein to 
fortify himself at his return from Panama. He carried with 
him all the prisoners of the island, and thus set sail for the 
river of Chagre, where he arrived in the space of eight days. 
Here the joy of the whole fleet was so great, when they spied the 
English colours upon the castle, that they minded not their 
way into the river, which occasioned them to lose four of their 
ships at the entry thereof, that wherein Captain Morgan went 
being one of the four. Yet their fortune was so good as to be 
able to save all the men and goods that were in the said 
vessels—yea, the ships likewise had been preserved, if a strong 
northerly wind had not risen on that occasion, which cast the 
ships upon the rock above-mentioned that lies at the entry 
of the said river. 

Captain Morgan was brought into the castle with great 
acclamations of triumph and joy of all the Pirates, both of 
those who were within and also them that were but newly 
come. Having understood the whole transactions of the 
conquest, he commanded all the prisoners to begin to work 
and repair what was necessary—especially in setting up new 
palisades, or pales, round about the forts depending on the 
castle. There were still in the river some Spanish vessels, 
called by them chatten, which serve for the transportation of 
merchandize up and down the said river, as also for to go to 
Porto Bello and Nicaragua. These are commonly mounted 
with 2 great guns of iron and 4 other small ones of brass. All 
these vessels they seized on, together with 4 little ships they 
found there, and all the canoes. In the castle they left a 
garrison of 500 men, and in the ships within the river one- 


hundred-and-fifty more. These things being done, Captain 
Morgan departed towards Panama, at the head of twelve 
hundred men. He carried very small provisions with him, 
being in good hopes he should provide himself sufficiently 
among the Spaniards, whom he knew to lie in ambuscade at 
several places by the way. 


Captain Morgan departs from the Castle of Chagre, at the head of 
twelve hundred men, with design to take the city of Panama 

CAPTAIN MorGAN set forth from the castle of Chagre, to- 
wards Panama, the 18th day of August in the year 1670. 
He had under his conduct 1200 men, 5 boats with artillery 
and 32 canoes, all which were filled with the said people. 
Thus he steered his course up the river towards Panama. 
That day they sailed only six leagues, and came to a place 
called De los Bracos. Here a party of his men went on shore, 
only to sleep some few hours and stretch their limbs, they 
being almost crippled with lying too much crowded in the 
boats. After they had rested a while, they went abroad to see 
if any victuals could be found in the neighbouring plantations. 
But they could find none, the Spaniards being fled and carry- 
ing with them all the provisions they had. This day, being the 
first of their journey, there was amongst them such scarcity 
of victuals that the greatest part were forced to pass with 
only a pipe of tobacco, without any other refreshment. 

The next day, very early in the morning, they continued 
their journey, and came about evening to a place called Cruz 
de Juan Gallego. Here they were compelled to leave their 
boats and canoes, by reason the river was very dry for want of 
rain and the many obstacles of trees that were fallen into it. 

The guides told them that about two leagues farther on the 
country would be very good to continue the journey by land. 
Hereupon they left some companies, being in all 160 men, on 
board the boats to defend them, with intent they might serve 
for a place of refuge in case of necessity. 

The next morning, being the third day of their journey, 
they all went ashore, excepting those above-mentioned who 
were to keep the boats. Unto these Captain Morgan gave 
very strict orders, under great penalties, that no man, upon 



any pretext whatsoever should dare to leave the boats and go 
ashore. This he did, fearing lest they should be surprised and 
cut off by an ambuscade of Spaniards that might chance to 
lie thereabouts in the neighbouring woods, which appeared so 
thick as to seem almost impenetrable. Having this morning 
begun their march, they found the ways so dirty and irksome 
that Captain Morgan thought it more convenient to transport 
some of the men in canoes (though it could not be done without 
great labour) to a place farther up the river called Cedro 
Bueno. Thus they re-embarked, and the canoes returned 
for the rest that were left behind. So that about night they 
found themselves altogether at the said place. The Pirates 
were extremely desirous to meet any Spaniards or Indians, 
hoping to fill their bellies with what provisions they should 
take from them ; for now they were reduced almost to the 
very extremity of hunger. 

“On the fourth day, the greatest part of the Pirates marched 
by land, being led by one of the guides. The rest went by 
water, farther up with the canoes, being conducted by another 
guide, who always went before them with two of the:said 
canoes, to discover on both sides the river the ambuscades of 
the Spaniards. These had also spies, who were very dexter- 
ous, and could at any time give notice of all accidents or of 
the arrival of the Pirates six hours at least before they came to 
any place.. This day about noon they found themselves 
nigh unto a post called Torna Cavallos. Here the guide of the 
canoes began to cry aloud he perceived an ambuscade. His 
voice caused infinite joy unto all the Pirates, as persuading 
themselves they should find some provisions wherewith to 
satiate their hunger, which was very great. Being come unto 
the place, they found nobody in it, the Spaniards who were 
there not long before being every one fled, and leaving nothing 
behind unless it were a small number of leather bags, all empty, 
and a few crumbs of bread scattered upon the ground where 
they had eaten. Being angry at this misfortune, they pulled 
down a few little huts which the Spaniards had made, and 
afterwards fell to eating the leathern bags, as being desirous to 
afford something to the ferment of their stomachs, which now 
was grown so sharp that it did gnaw their very bowels, having 
nothing else to prey upon. Thus they made a huge banquet 
upon those bags of leather, which doubtless had been more 


grateful unto them if divers quarrels had not risen concerning 
who should have the greatest share. By the circumference 
of the place, they conjectured 500 Spaniards, more or less, 
had been there. And these, finding no victuals, they were now 
infinitely desirous to meet, intending to devour some of them 
rather than perish : whom they would certainly in that occasion 
have roasted or boiled, to satisfy their famine, had they been 
able to take them. / 

After they had feasted themselves with those pieces of 
leather, they quitted the place, and marched farther on till 
they came about night to another post called Torna Munni. 
Here they found another ambuscade, but as barren and desert 
as the former. They searched the neighbouring woods, but 
could not find the least thing to eat, the Spaniards having 
been so provident as not to leave behind them anywhere the 
least crumb of sustenance, whereby the Pirates were now 
brought to the extremity aforementioned. Here again he was 
happy that had reserved since noon any small piece of leather 
whereof to make his supper, drinking after it a good draught of 
water for his greatest comfort. Some persons who never were 
out of their mothers’ kitchens may ask how these Pirates could 
eat, swallow, and digest those pieces of leather, so hard and 
dry: unto whom I only answer: That could they once 
experiment what hunger, or rather famine, is, they would 
certainly find the manner, by their own necessity, as the Pirates 
did. For these first took the leather, and sliced it in pieces. 
Then did they beat it between two stones, and rub it, often 
dipping it in the water of the river to render it by these means 
supple and tender. Lastly, they scraped off the hair, and 
roasted or broiled it upon the fire. And, being thus cooked, 
they cut it into small morsels, and eat it, helping it down with 
frequent gulps of water, which by good fortune they had nigh 
at hand. 

They continued their march the fifth day, and about noon 
came unto a place called Barbacoa. Here likewise they 
found traces of another ambuscade, but the place totally as 
unprovided as the two preceding were. At a small distance 
were to be seen several plantations, which they searched very 
narrowly, but could not find any person, animal, or other thing 
that was capable of relieving their extreme and ravenous 
hunger. Finally, having ranged up and down and searched a 


long time, they found a certain grotto which seemed to be but 
lately hewn out of a rock, in the which they found two sacks 
of meal, wheat, and like things, with two great jars of wine, 
and certain fruits called plantanos'. Captain Morgan, know- 
ing that some of his men were now through the extremity of 
hunger reduced almost to the extremity of their lives, and 
fearing lest the major part should be brought into the same 
condition, caused all that was found to be distributed amongst 
them who. were in greatest necessity. Having refreshed 
themselves with these victuals, they began to march anew with 
greater courage than ever. Such as could not well go for 
weakness were put into the canoes, and those commanded to 
land that were in them before. Thus they prosecuted their 
journey till late at night, at which time they came unto a 
plantation where they took up their rest; but without eating 
anything at all, for the Spaniards, as before, had swept away all 
manner of provisions, leaving not behind them the least signs 
of victuals. 

On the sixth day they continued their march, part of them 
by land through the woods, and part by water in the canoes : 
howbeit they were constrained to rest themselves very fre- 
quently by the way, both for the ruggedness thereof and the 
extreme weakness they were under. Unto this they endeav- 
oured to occur?, by eating some leaves of trees and green herbs 
or grass such as they could pick, for such was the miserable 
condition they were in. This day, at noon, they arrived at a 
plantation, where they found a barn full of maize. Immed- 
iately they beat down the doors, and fell to eating of it dry, as 
much as they could devour. Afterwards they distributed 
great quantity, giving unto every man a good allowance there- 
of. Being thus provided, they prosecuted their journey, which 
having continued for the space of an hour or thereabouts, they 
met with an ambuscade of Indians. This they no sooner had 
discovered but they threw away their maize, with the sudden 
hopes they conceived of finding all things in abundance. But, 
after all this haste, they found themselves much deceived, 
they meeting neither Indians, nor victuals, nor anything else 

1 Spanish, plantain, used for the tree or the fruit: cf. ‘‘. . . siders, 
limas, plantanos, and palmas ’’—Mendoza, History of China, transl. by 
Parke [1589], vol. ii, p. 330 (Hakluyt Soc. 1853-4). 

«gaia to ‘this they endeavoured to counter ’—see note on 
p- 187. 


of what they had imagined. They saw notwithstanding on 
the other side of the river a troop of 100 Indians, more or less, 
who all escaped away through the agility of their feet. Some 
few Pirates there were who leapt into the river, the sooner to 
reach the shore, to see if they could take any of the said 
Indians prisoners. But all was in vain; for, being much more 
nimble at their feet than the Pirates, they easily baffled their 
endeavours. Neither did they only baffle them, but killed also 
two or three of the Pirates with their arrows, howting?! at them 
at a distance, and crying: Ha! perros, d la savana, a la 
savana! Ha, ye dogs! go to the plain ; go to the plain ! 

This day they could advance no farther, by reason they were 
necessitated to pass the river hereabouts to continue their 
march on the other side. Hereupon they took up their repose 
for that night: howbeit their sleep was not heavy nor pro- 
found, for great murmurings were heard that night in the 
camp, many complaining of Captain Morgan and his conduct 
in that enterprize, and being desirous to return home. On the 
contrary, others would rather die there than go back one step 
from what they had undertaken. But others who had greater 
courage than any of these two parties did laugh and joke at 
all their discourses. In the meanwhile they had a guide who 
much comforted them, saying: Jt would not be long before 
they met with people from whom they should reap some consider- 
able advantage. 

The seventh day in the morning they all made clean their 
arms, and every one discharged his pistol or musket, without 
bullet, to examine the security of their firelocks. This being 
done, they passed to the other side of the river in the canoes, 
leaving the post where they had rested the night before, 
called Santa Cruz. Thus they proceeded on their journey till 
noon, at which time they arrived at a village called Cruz. 
Being at a great distance as yet from the place, they perceived 
much smoke to arise out of the chimneys. The sight hereof 
afforded them great joy and hopes of finding people in the 
town, and afterwards what they most desired, which was 
plenty of good cheer. Thus they went on with as much haste 
as they could, making several arguments to one another upon 

1 hooting: cf. Nash, Pierce Penilesse [1592]: ‘‘ The people poynted 
at her for a murtherer, yonge children howted at her as a strumpet.” 
An onomatopeeic word, 


those external signs, though all like castles built in the air. 
For (said they) there is smoke coming out of every house— 
therefore they are making good fires, for to roast and boil what we 
are to eat. With other things to this purpose. 

At length they arrived there in great haste, all sweating and 
panting, but found no person in the town, nor anything that 
was eatable wherewith to refresh themselves, unless it were 
good fires to warm themselves, which they wanted not. For 
the Spaniards before their departure had every one set fire 
to his own house, excepting only the storehouses and stables 
belonging to the King. 

They had not left behind them any beast whatsoever, either 
alive or dead. This occasioned much confusion in their minds, 
they not finding the least thing to lay hold on, unless it were 
some few cats and dogs, which they immediately killed and 
devoured with great appetite. At last in the King’s stables 
they found by good fortune fifteen or sixteen jars of Peru wine, 
and a leather sack full of bread. But no sooner had they 
begun to drink of the said wine when they fell sick, almost 
every man. This sudden disaster made them think that the 
wine was poisoned, which caused a new consternation in the 
whole camp, as judging themselves now to be irrecoverably 
lost. But the true reason was their huge want of sustenance 
in that whole voyage, and the manifold sorts of trash which 
they had eaten upon that occasion. Their sickness was so 
great that day as caused them to remain there till the next 
morning, without being able to prosecute their journey, as 
they used to do, in the afternoon. This village is seated in the 
latitude of 9 degrees and 2 minutes North, being distant from 
the river of Chagre 26 Spanish leagues, and 8 from Panama. 
Moreover, this is the last place unto which boats or canoes 
can come; for which reason they built here storehouses, 
wherein to keep all sorts of merchandize, which hence to and 
from Panama are transported upon the backs of mules. 

Here, therefore, Captain Morgan was constrained to leave 
his canoes and land all his men, though never so weak in their 
bodies. But, lest the canoes should be surprized or take up 
too many men for their defence, he resolved to send them all 
back to the place where the boats were, excepting one, which 
he caused to be hidden, to the intent it might serve to carry 
intelligence according to the exigence of affairs. Many 


of the Spaniards and Indians belonging to this village were fled 
unto the plantations thereabouts. Hereupon Captain Morgan 
gave express orders that none should dare to go out of the 
village except in whole companies of 100 together. The 
occasion hereof was his fear lest the enemies should take an 
advantage upon his men by any sudden assault. Notwith- 
standing, one party of English soldiers stickled not to con- 
travene these commands, being thereunto tempted with the 
desire of finding victuals. But these were soon glad to fly 
into the town again, being assaulted with great fury by some 
Spaniards and Indians, who snatched up one of the Pirates, 
and carried him away prisoner. Thus the vigilance and care 
of Captain Morgan was not sufficient to prevent every accident 
that might happen. 

On the eighth day in the morning Captain Morgan sent 
200 men before the body of his army, to discover the way to 
Panama, and see if they had laid any ambuscades therein, 
Especially considering that the places by which they were 
to pass were very fit for that purpose, the paths being so 
narrow that only ten or twelve persons could march in a file, 
and oftentimes notsomany. Having marched about the space 
of ten hours, they came unto a place called Quebrada Obscura. 
Here, all on a sudden, three or four thousand arrows were shot at 
them, without being able to perceive whence they came or who 
shot them. The place whence it was presumed they were shot 
was a high rocky mountain, excavated from one side to the 
other, wherein was a grotto that went through it, only capable 
of admitting one horse or other beast laded. This multitude 
of arrows caused a huge alarm among the Pirates, especially 
because they could not discover the place whence they were 
discharged. At last, seeing no more arrows to appear, they 
marched a little farther, and entered into a wood. Here they 
perceived some Indians to fly as fast as they could possibly 
before them, to take the advantage of another post, and thence 
observe the march of the Pirates. There remained notwith- 
standing one troop of Indians upon the place, with full design 
to fight and defend themselves. This combat they performed 
with huge courage, till such time as their Captain fell to the 
ground wounded, who, although he was now in despair of life, 
yet his valour being greater than his strength, would demand 
no quarter, but, endeavouring to raise himself, with undaunted 


mind laid hold of his azagaya', or javelin, and struck at one of 
the Pirates. But, before he could second the blow, he was 
shot to death with a pistol. This was also the fate of many of 
his companions, who like good and courageous soldiers lost 
their lives with their Captain, for the defence of their country. 

The Pirates endeavoured, as much as was possible, to lay 
hold on some of the Indians and take them prisoners. But, 
they being infinitely swifter than the Pirates, every one escaped, 
leaving eight Pirates dead upon the place and ten wounded : 
yea, had the Indians been more dexterous in military affairs, 
they might have defended that passage and not let one sole 
man to pass. Within a little while after they came to a large 
campaign-field open and full of variegated meadows. Hence 
they could perceive at a distance before them a parcel of Indians 
who stood on the top of a mountain, very nigh unto the way 
by which the Pirates were to pass. They sent a troop of fifty 
men, the nimblest they could pick out, to see if they could 
catch any of them and afterwards force them to declare where- 
abouts their companions had their mansions. But all their 
industry was in vain, for they escaped through their nimble- 
ness, and presently after showed themselves in another place, 
hallooing unto the English, and crying: A la savana, dé la 
savana, cornudos, perros Ingleses !—that is, To the plain, to the 
plain, ye cuckolds, ye English dogs !_ While these things passed, 
the ten Pirates that were wounded a little before were dressed 
and plastered up. 

At this place there was a wood, and on each side thereof a 
mountain. The Indians had possessed themselves of the one, 
and the Pirates took possession of the other that was opposite 
unto it. Captain Morgan was persuaded that in the wood the 
Spaniards had placed an ambuscade, as lying so conveniently 
for that purpose. Hereupon he sent before 200 men to search 
it. The Spaniards and Indians perceiving the Pirates to 
decend the mountain, did so too, as if they designed to attack 
them. But, being got into the wood out of sight of the Pirates, 
they disappeared, and were seen no more, leaving the passage 
open to them. 

1 The Spanish form of assegai, a dart or light spear used by the 
Moors. The French form was also in use in England in the sixteenth 
century: cf. ‘“ ... fought with speares, iauelyns, archegayes, and 

swerdes ’’—Froissart, Chronicles, transl. by Berners [1523], i, 237, 
Pp. 340 (1812 edn.), 


About night there fell a great rain, which caused the Pirates 
to march thé faster and seek everywhere for houses wherein 
to preserve their arms from being wet. But the Indians had 
set fire to every one thereabouts, and transported all their 
cattle unto remote places, to the end that the Pirates, finding 
neither houses nor victuals, might be constrained to return 
homewards. Notwithstanding, after diligent search they 
found a few little huts belonging to shepherds, but in them 
nothing toeat. These not being capable of holding many men, 
they placed in them out of every company a small number, 
who kept the arms of all the rest of the army. Those who 
remained in the open field endured much hardship that night, 
the rain not ceasing to fall until the morning. 

The next morning, about break of day, being the ninth of 
this tedious journey, Captain Morgan continued his march 
while the fresh air of the morning lasted. For the clouds then 
hanging as yet over their heads were much more favourable 
unto them than the scorching rays of the sun, by reason the 
way was now more difficult and laborious than all the preceding. 
After two hours’ march they discovered a troop of about 20 
Spaniards, who observed the motions of the Pirates. They 
endeavoured to catch some of them, but could lay hold on 
none, they suddenly disappearing, and absconding themselves 
in caves among the rocks totally unknown to the Pirates. At 
last they came to a high mountain, which, when they had 
ascended, they discovered from the top thereof the South Sea. 
This happy sight, as if it were the end of their labours, caused 
infinite joy among all the Pirates. Hence they could descry 
also one ship and six boats, which were set forth from Panama 
and sailed towards the islands of Tavogo and Tavogilla. 
Having descended this mountain, they came unto a vale, in 
which they found great quantity of cattle, whereof they killed 
good store. Here, while some were employed in killing and 
flaying of cows, horses, bulls, and chiefly asses, of which there 
was greatest number, others busied themselves in kindling of 
fires and getting wood wherewith to roast them. Thus cutting 
the flesh of these animals into convenient pieces, or goblets}, 
they threwthem into the fire, and, half-carbonadoed? or roasted, 

1 Morsels, something you can swallow. Later, ‘ gobbet,’ a ‘ chunck.’ 

A large block of stone is still called a ‘ gobbet’’ by stonemasons. 
2 Span., a piece of meat sliced and broiled, a rasher: cf. ‘‘. . . if I 


they devoured them with incredible haste and appetite. For 
such was their hunger that they more resembled cannibals 
than Europeans at this banquet, the blood many times running 
down from their beards unto the middle of their bodies. 
Having satisfied their hunger with these delicious meats, 
Captain Morgan ordered them to continue the march. Here 
again he sent before the main body 50 men, with intent to take 
some prisoners, if possibly they could. For he seemed now to be 
much concerned that in nine days’ time he could not meet one 
person who might inform him of the condition and forces of the 
Spaniards. About evening they discovered a troop of 200 
Spaniards, more or less, who hallooed unto the Pirates, but 
these could not understand what they said. A little while 
after they came the first time within sight of the highest 
steeple of Panama. This steeple they no sooner had discovered 
but they began to show signs of extreme joy, casting up their 
hats into the air, leaping for mirth, and shouting, even just as 
if they had already obtained the victory and entire accomplish- 
ment of their designs. All their trumpets were sounded and 
every drum beaten, in token of this universal acclamation and 
huge alacrity of their minds. Thus they pitched their camp 
for that night with general content of the whole army, waiting 
with impatience for the morning, at which time they intended to 
attack the city. This evening there appeared 50 horse, who 
came out of the city, hearing the noise of the drums and trum- 
pets of the Pirates, to observe, as it was thought, their motions. 
They came almost within musket-shot of the army, being 
preceded by a trumpet that sounded marvellously well. Those 
on horseback halloed aloud to the Pirates, and threatened them, 
saying: Perros! nos veremos !—that is, Ye dogs! we shall 
meet ye! Having made this menace, they returned into the 
city, excepting only seven or eight horsemen who remained 
hovering thereabouts, to watch what motions the Pirates 
made. Immediately after, the city began to fire, and ceased not 
to play with their biggest guns all night long against the camp, 
but with little or no harm unto the Pirates, whom they could 
not conveniently reach. About this time also the 200 Span- 
iards whom the pirates had seen in the afternoon appeared 
again within sight, making resemblance as if they would block 

come in his [way] willingly, let him make a carbonado of me ’’— 
Shakespeare, I Henry IV, V, iii, 61. 


up the passages, to the intent no Pirates might escape the 
hands of their forces. But the Pirates, who were now in a 
manner besieged, instead of conceiving any fear of their 
blockades, as soon as they had placed sentries about their 
camp, began every one to open their satchels, and, without any 
preparation of napkins or plates, fell to eating very heartily 
the remaining pieces of bulls’ and horses’ flesh which they had 
reserved since noon. This being done, they laid themselves 
down to sleep upon the grass with great repose and huge 
satisfaction, expecting only with impatience the dawning of 
the next day. 

On the tenth day, betimes in the morning, they put all 
their men into convenient order, and with drums and trumpets 
sounding, continued their march directly towards the city. 
But one of the guides desired Captain Morgan not to take the 
common highway that led thither, fearing lest they should find 
in it much resistance and many ambuscades. He presently 
took his advice, and chose another way that went through the 
wood, although very irksome and difficult. Thus the Span- 
iards, perceiving the Pirates had taken another way, which 
they scarce had thought on or believed, were compelled to 
leave their stops and batteries, and come out to meet them. 
The Governor of Panama put his forces in order, consisting 
of 2 squadrons, 4 regiments of foot, and a huge number of 
wild-bulls, which were driven by a great number of Indians, 
with some negroes and others, to help them. 

The Pirates, being now upon their march, came unto the 
top of a little hill, whence they had a little prospect of the city 
and campaign country underneath. Here they discovered 
the forces of the people of Panama extended in battle 
array, which, when they perceived to be so numerous, 
they were suddenly surprised with great fear, much doubt- 
ing the fortune of the day. Yea, few or none there were 
but wished themselves at home, or at least free from the 
obligation of that engagement, wherein they perceived their 
lives must be so narrowly concerned. Having been some time 
at a stand, in a wavering condition of mind, they at last 
reflected upon the straits they had brought themselves into, 
and that now they ought of necessity either to fight resolutely 
or die, for no quarter could be expected from an enemy against 
whom they had committed so many cruelties on all occasions. 


Hereupon they encouraged one another, and resolved either to 
conquer, or spend the very last drop of blood in their bodies. 
Afterwards they divided themselves into three battalions, or 
troops, sending before them one of 200 Buccaneers, which sort 
of people are infinitely dexterous at shooting with guns. Thus 
the Pirates left the hill and descended, marching directly 
towards the Spaniards, who were posted in a spacious field 
waiting for theircoming. Assoonas they drew nigh unto them 
the Spaniards began to shout, and cry: Viva el Rey !—God 
save the King !—and immediately their horse began to move 
against the Pirates. But the field being full of quags and very 
soft underfoot, they could not ply to and fro and wheel about, 
as they desired. The 200 Buccaneers who went before, every 
one putting one knee to the ground, gave them a full volley of 
shot, wherewith the battle was instantly kindled very hot. The 
Spaniards defended themselves very courageously, acting all 
they could possibly perform to disorder the Pirates. Their 
foot, in like manner, endeavoured to second the horse, but were 
constrained by the Pirates to separate from them. Thus, 
finding themselves frustrated of their designs, they attempted 
to drive the bulls against them at their backs and by this 
means put them into disorder. But the greatest part of that 
wild cattle ran away, being frightened with the noise of the 
battle. And some few that broke through the English com- 
panies did no other harm than to tear the colours in pieces ; 
whereas the Buccaneers, shooting them dead, left not one to 
trouble them thereabouts. 

The battle, having now continued for the space of two hours, 
at the end thereof the greatest part of the Spanish horse was 
ruined and almost all killed. The rest fled away. Which 
being perceived by the foot, and that they could not possibly 
prevail, they discharged the shot they had in their muskets, 
and, throwing them on the ground, betook themselves to flight, 
every one which way he could run. The Pirates could not 
possibly follow them, as being too much harassed and wearied 
with the long journey they had lately made. Many of them, 
not being able to fly whither they desired, hid themselves for 
that present among the shrubs of the sea-side. But very 
unfortunately : for most of them being found out by the 
Pirates were instantly killed without giving quarter to any. 
Some religious men were brought prisoners before Captain 


Morgan ; but he, being deaf to their cries and lamentations, 
commanded them all to be immediately pistoled, which was 
accordingly done. Soon after they brought a Captain to his 
presence, whom he examined very strictly about several things, 
particularly, wherein consisted the forces of those of Panama. 
Unto which he answered: Their whole strength did consist 
in 400 horse, 24 companies of foot, each being of 100 men com- 
plete, 60 Indians, and some negroes, who were to drive 2000 
wild-bulls and cause them to run over the English camp, and 
thus by breaking their files put them into a total disorder and 
confusion. He discovered more, that in the city they had 
made trenches and raised batteries in several places, in all 
which they had placed many guns, and that at the entry of the 
highway which led to the city they had built a fort, which was 
mounted with 8 great guns of brass, and defended by 50 men. 

Captain Morgan, having heard this information, gave orders 
instantly they should march another way. But, before setting 
forth, he made a review of all his men, whereof he found both 
killed and wounded a considerable number, and much greater 
than had been believed. Of the Spaniards were found 600 
dead upon the place, besides the wounded and prisoners. 
The Pirates were nothing discouraged seeing their number so 
much diminished, but rather filled with greater pride than 
before, perceiving what huge advantage they had obtained 
against their enemies. Thus having rested themselves some 
while, they prepared to march courageously towards the city, 
plighting their oaths to one another in general they would 
fight till never a man was left alive. With this courage they 
recommenced their march, either to conquer or be conquered, 
carrying with them all the prisoners. 

They found much difficulty in their approach unto the 
city. For within the town the Spaniards had placed many 
great guns, at several quarters thereof, some of which were 
charged with small pieces of iron and others with musket- 
bullets. With all these they saluted the Pirates, at their 
drawing nigh unto the place, and gave them full and frequent 
broadsides, firing at them incessantly. Whence it came to 
pass that unavoidably they lost, at every step they advanced, 
great numbers of men. But neither these manifest dangers 
of their lives, nor the sight of so many of their own as dropped 
down continually at their sides, could deter them from advan- 


cing farther, and gaining ground every moment upon the enemy. 
Thus, although the Spaniards never ceased to fire and act the 
best they could for their defence, yet notwithstanding they 
were forced to deliver the city after the space of three hours’ 
combat. And the Pirates, having now possessed themselves 
thereof, both killed and destroyed as many as attempted to 
make the least opposition against them. The inhabitants 
had caused the best of their goods to be transported unto more 
remote and occult places. Howbeit they found within the 
city as yet several warehouses, very well stocked with all sorts 
of merchandize, as well silks and cloths as linen, and other 
things of considerable value. As soon as the first fury of their 
entrance into the city was over, Captain Morgan assembled 
all his men at a certain place which he assigned, and there 
commanded them under very great penalties that none of them 
- should dare to drink or taste any wine. The reason he gave 
for this injunction was because he had received private intelli- 
gence that it had been all poisoned by the Spaniards. How- 
beit it was the opinion of many [that] he gave these prudent 
orders to prevent the debauchery of his people, which he foresaw 
would be very great at the beginning, after so much hunger 
sustained by the way: fearing withal lest the Spaniards, 
seeing them in wine, should rally their forces and fall upon 
the city, and use them as inhumanly as they had used the 
inhabitants before. 


Captain Morgan sends several canoes and boats unto the South Sea. 
He sets fire to the city of Panama. Robberies and cruelties 
committed there by the Pirates till their return to the Castle of 

CAPTAIN MorGAn, as soon as he had placed guards at several 
quarters where he thought necessary, both within and without 
the city of Panama, immediately commanded twenty-five 
men to seize a great boat which had stuck in the mud of the 
port for want of water at a low tide, so that she could not put 
out tosea. The same day, about noon, he caused certain men 
privately to set fire unto several great edifices of the city, 
nobody knowing whence the fire proceeded nor who were the 
authors thereof, much less what motives persuaded Captain 
Morgan thereunto, which are as yet unknown to this day. 
The fire increased so fast that before night the greatest part of 
the city was in flame. Captain Morgan endeavoured to make 
the public believe the Spaniards had been the cause thereof, 
which suspicions he surmised among his own people, perceiving 
they reflected upon him for that action. Many of the Spaniards, 
as also some of the Pirates, used all means possible either to 
extinguish the flame or, by blowing up houses with gunpowder 
and pulling down others, to stop its progress. But all was in 
vain ; for in less than half-an-hour it consumed a whole street. 
All the houses of this city were built with cedar, being of very 
curious and magnificent structure, and richly adorned within, 
especially with hangings and paintings, whereof part was 
already transported out of the Pirates’ way, and another great 
part was consumed by the voracity of the fire. 

There belonged unto this city (which is also the head of a 
bishopric) eight monasteries, whereof seven were for men and 
one for women, two stately churches, and one hospital. 



—— - ‘ —— 3 os s — - a = > 
if:dvyaE'zad “WNYNVd SSS SS 

ne So fata ayy aaafeg ssavvoong =———-. 
== am, 40 Qvuhd ag puo spaowuvdy — 
einer ene = IIT MIAMI JAH 

— ye 


The churches and monasteries were all richly adorned with 
altar-pieces and paintings, huge quantity of gods and silver, 
with other precious things; all which the ecclesiastics had 
hidden and concealed. Besides which ornaments, here were 
to be seen 2000 houses of magnificent and prodigious building, 
as being all, or the greatest part, inhabited by merchants of that 
country, who are vastly rich. For the rest’of the inhabitants 
of lesser quality and tradesmen, this city contained 5000 
houses more. Here were also great number of stables, which 
served for the horses and mules that carry all the plate, 
belonging as well to the King of Spain as to private men, 
towards the coast of the North Sea. The neighbouring fields 
belonging to this city are all cultivated with fertile plantations 
and pleasant gardens, which afford delicious prospects unto 
the inhabitants the whole year long. 

The Genoese had in this city of Panama a stately and magnifi- 
cent house, belonging to their trade and commerce of negroes. 
This building likewise was commanded by Captain Morgan to 
be set on fire; whereby it was burnt to the very ground. 
Besides which pile of building there were consumed to the 
number of 200 warehouses and great number of slaves who had 
hid themselves therein, together with an infinite multitude of 
sacks of meal. The fire of all which houses and buildings 
was seen to continue four weeks after the day it began. The 
Pirates in the meanwhile, at least the greatest part of them, 
encamped some time without the city, fearing and expecting 
that the Spaniards would come and fight them anew. For 
it was known they had an incomparable number of men more 
than the Pirates were. This occasioned them to keep the field, 
thereby to preserve their forces united, which now were very 
much diminished by the losses of the preceding battles, as also 
because they had a great many wounded, all which they had 
put into one of the churches which alone remained standing, 
the rest being consumed by the fire. Moreover, beside these 
decreases of their men, Captain Morgan had sent a convoy of 
150 men to the Castle of Chagre, to carry the news of his 
victory obtained against Panama. 

They saw many times whole troops of Spaniards cruize to 
and fro in the campaign-fields, which gave them occasion to 
suspect their rallying anew. Yet they never had the courage 
to attempt anything against the Pirates. In the afternoon of 


this fatal day Captain Morgan re-entered again the city with 
his troops, to the intent every one might take up his lodgings, 
which now they could hardly find, very few houses having 
escaped the desolation of the fire. Soon after, they fell to 
seeking very carefully among the ruins and ashes for utensils 
of plate or gold which peradventure were not quite wasted by 
the flames. And of such things they found no small number 
in several places, especially in wells and cisterns, where the 
Spaniards had hid them from the covetous search of the 

The next day Captain Morgan dispatched away two troops 
of Pirates, of 150 men each, being all very stout soldiers and well 
armed, with orders to seek for the inhabitants of Panama who 
were escaped from the hands of their enemies. These men, 
having made several excursions up and down the campaign- 
fields, woods, and mountains adjoining to Panama, returned 
after two days’ time, bringing with them above 200 prisoners, 
between men, women, and slaves. The same day returned 
also the boat above-mentioned, which Captain Morgan had 
sent into the South Sea, bringing with her three other boats, 
which they had taken in a little while. But all these prizes 
they could willingly have given, yea, although they had em- 
ployed greater labour into the bargain, for one certain galleon, 
which miraculously escaped their industry, being very richly 
laden with all the King’s plate and great quantity of riches of 
gold, pearl, jewels, and other most precious goods, of all the 
best and richest merchants of Panama. On board of this 
galleon were also the religious women belonging to the nunnery 
of the said city, who had embarked with them all the orna- 
ments of their church, consisting in great quantity of gold, 
plate, and other things of great value. 

The strength of this galleon was nothing considerable, as 
having only 7 guns, and Io or 12 muskets for its whole defence, 
being on the other side very ill provided of victuals and other 
necessaries, with great want of fresh water, and having no more 
sails than the uppermost sails of the main mast. This de- 
scription of the said ship the Pirates received from certain 
persons, who had spoken with seven mariners belonging to 
the galleon, at such time as they came ashore in the cock-boat 
to take in fresh water. Hence they concluded for certain 
they might easily have taken the said vessel, had they given 


her chase and pursued her, as they ought to do, especially 
considering the said galleon could not long subsist abroad at sea. 
But they were impeded from following this vastly rich prize 
by the lascivious exercises wherein they were totally at that 
present involved with women, which unto this effect they had 
carried with them and forced on board their boat. Unto this 
vice was also joined that of gluttony and drunkenness, having 
plentifully debauched themselves with several sorts of rich 
wines they found there ready to their hands. So that they 
chose rather to satiate their lust and appetite with the things 
above-mentioned than to lay hold on the occasion of such an 
huge advantage, although this only prize would certainly have 
been of far greater value and consequence unto them than all 
they purchased at Panama and other places thereabouts. 
The next day, repenting of their negligence and being totally 
wearied of the vices and debaucheries aforesaid, they sent forth 
to sea another boat well armed, to pursue with all speed 
imaginable the said galleon. But their present care and 
diligence was in vain, the Spaniards who were on board the 
said ship having received intelligence of the danger they were 
in one or two days before, while the Pirates were cruizing so 
nigh unto them, whereupon they fled unto places more remote 
and unknown to their enemies. 

Notwithstanding, the Pirates found in the ports of the 
islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla several boats that were laden 
with many sorts of very good merchandize—all which they 
took and brought unto Panama, where, being arrived, they 
made an exact relation of all that had passed while they were 
abroad unto Captain Morgan. The prisoners confirmed 
what the Pirates had said, adding thereunto that they un- 
doubtedly knew whereabouts the said galleon might be at the 
present, but that it was very probable they had been relieved 
before now from other places. These relations stirred up 
Captain Morgan anew to send forth all the boats that were in 
the port of Panama, with design to seek and pursue the said 
galleon till they could find her. The boats aforesaid, being in 
all four, set sail from Panama, and, having spent eight days 
in cruizing to and fro and searching several ports and creeks, 
they lost all their hopes of finding what they so earnestly 
sought for. Hereupon they resolved to return unto the isles 
of Tavoga and Tavogilla. Here they found a reasonable good 


ship that was newly come from Payta, being laden with cloth, 
soap, sugar, and biscuit, with 20,000 pieces-of-eight in ready 
money. This vessel they instantly seized, not finding the 
least resistance from any person within her. Nigh unto the 
said ship was also a boat, whereof in like manner they possessed 
themselves. Upon the boat they laded great part of the 
merchandize they had found in the ship, together with some 
slaves they had taken in the said islands. With this purchase 
they returned unto Panama, something better satisfied of 
their voyage, yet withal much discontented they could not 
meet with the galleon. 

The convoy which Captain Morgan had sent unto the Castle 
of Chagre returned much about the same time, bringing with 
them very good news. For while Captain Morgan was upon 
his journey to Panama, those he had left in the Castle of Chagre 
had sent forth to sea two boats to exercize piracy. These 
happened to meet with a Spanish ship, which they began to 
chase within sight of the Castle. This being perceived by the 
Pirates that were in the Castle, they put forth Spanish colours, 
thereby to allure and deceive the ship that fled before the boats. 
Thus the poor Spaniards, thinking to refuge themselves under 
the Castle and the guns thereof, by flying into the port were 
caught in a snare and made prisoners, where they thought to 
find defence. The cargo which was found on board the said 
vessel consisted in victuals and provisions, that were all eat- 
able things. Nothing could be more opportune than this 
prize for the Castle, where they had begun already to experi- 
ment! great scarcity of things of this kind. 

This good fortune of the garrison of Chagre gave occasion 
unto Captain Morgan to remain longer time than he had 
determined at Panama. And hereupon he ordered several 
new excursions to be made into the whole country round 
about the city. So that, while the Pirates at Panama were 
employed in these expeditions, those at Chagre were busied 
in exercizing piracy upon the North Sea. Captain Morgan 
used to send forth daily parties of 200 men, to make inroads 
into all the fields and country thereabouts ; and, when one 
party came back, another consisting of 200 more was ready to 

1 Experience. Cf. Day, English Secretary [1586],1: ‘‘Of his... 

good behaviour [I] have had sound and large experiment ’’ ; Howell, 
Letters [1645], 1i, 113: ‘‘ I know by experiments I have had of you...” 



go forth. By this means they gathered in a short time huge 
quantity of riches and no lesser number of prisoners. These, 
being brought into the city, were presently put unto the most 
exquisite tortures imaginable, to make them confess both 
other people’s goods and their own. Here it happened that 
one poor and miserable wretch was found in the house of a 
gentleman of great quality, who had put on, amidst that 
confusion of things, a pair of taffety breeches belonging to his 
master with a little silver key hanging at the strings thereof. 
This being perceived by the Pirates, they immediately asked 
him where was the cabinet of the said key. His answer was : 
He knew not what was become of it, but only that, finding those 
breeches in his master’s house, he had made bold to wear them. 
Not being able to extort any other confession out of him, 
they first put him upon the rack, wherewith they inhumanly 
disjointed his arms. After this, they twisted a cord about his 
forehead, which they wrung so hard that his eyes appeared as 
big as eggs and were ready to fall out of his skull. But neither 
with these torments could they obtain any positive answer to 
their demands. Whereupon they soon after hung him up 
by the testicles, giving him infinite blows and stripes while he 
was under that intolerable pain and posture of body. After- 
wards they cut off his nose and ears, and singed his face with 
burning straw, till he could speak nor lament his misery no 
longer. Then, losing all hopes of hearing any confession from 
his mouth, they commanded a negro to run him through with 
a lance, which put an end to his life and a period to their cruel 
and inhuman tortures. After this execrable manner did many 
others of those miserable prisoners finish their days, the 
common sport and recreation of these Pirates being these and 
other tragedies not inferior to these. 

They spared, in these their cruelties, no sex nor condition 
whatsoever. For, as to religious persons and priests, they 
granted them less quarter than unto others, unless they could 
produce a considerable sum of money, capable of being a 
sufficient ransom. Women themselves were no better used, 
except they would condescend unto the libidinous demands 
and concupiscency of the Pirates. For such as would not 
consent unto their lust were treated with all the rigour and 
cruelty imaginable. Captain Morgan, their leader and 
Commander, gave them no good example in this point. For, 


as soon as any beautiful woman was brought as a prisoner to 
his presence, he used all the means he could, both of rigour and 
mildness, to bend her to his lascivious will and pleasure: for 
a confirmation of which assertion, I shall here give my reader 
a short history of a lady whose virtue and constancy ought to 
be transmitted unto posterity, as a memorable example of her 

Among the prisoners that were brought by the Pirates from 
the islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla, there was found a gentle- 
woman of good quality, as also no less virtue and chastity, 
who was wife unto one of the richest merchants of all those 
countries. Her years were but few, and her beauty so great 
as peradventure I may doubt whether in all Europe any could 
be found to surpass her perfections either of comeliness or 
honesty. Her husband, at that present, was absent from home, 
being gone as far as the kingdom of Peru, about great concerns 
of commerce and trade, wherein his employments did lie. 
This virtuous lady, likewise, hearing that Pirates were coming 
to assault the city of Panama, had absented herself thence in the 
company of other friends and relations, thereby to preserve her 
life amidst the dangers which the cruelties and tyrannies of 
those hard-hearted enemies did seem to menace unto every 
citizen. But no sooner had she appeared in the presence of 
Captain Morgan instantly she was designed for his voluptuous 
pleasures and concupiscence. Hereupon he commanded they 
should lodge her in a certain apartment by herself, giving her 
a negress, or black woman, to wait upon her, and that she 
should be treated with all the respect and regale[ment] due unto 
her quality. The poor afflicted lady did beg, with multitude 
of sobs and tears, she might be suffered to lodge among the 
other prisoners, her relations, fearing lest that unexpected 
kindness of the Commander might prove to be a design upon 
her chastity. But Captain Morgan would by no means hearken 
to her petition, and all he commanded, in answer thereunto, 
was she should be treated with more particular care than 
before, and have her victuals carried from his own table. 

This lady had formerly heard very strange reports concerning 
the Pirates, before their arrival at Panama, intimating unto her, 
as if they were not men, but, as they said, heretics, who did 
neither invoke the Blessed Trinity nor believe in Jesus Christ. 
But now she began to have better thoughts of them than ever 


before, having experimented the manifold civilities of Captain 
Morgan, especially hearing him many times to swear by the 
name of God and of Jesus Christ, in whom, she was persuaded, 
they did not believe. Neither did she now think them to be 
so bad, or to have the shapes of beasts, as from the relations 
of several people she had oftentimes heard. For, as to the 
name of ‘ robbers’ or ‘thieves’, which was commonly given 
them by others, she wondered not much at it, seeing, as she said, 
that among all nations of the universe there were to be found 
some wicked men who naturally coveted to possess the goods of 
others. Conformable to the persuasion of this lady was the 
opinion of another woman, of weak understanding, at Panama, 
who used to say, before the Pirates came thither, she desired 
very much and had a great curiosity to see one of those men 
called Pirates, for as much as her husband had often told her 
that they were not men, like others, but rather irrational 
beasts. This silly woman, at last. happening to see the first 
of them, cried out aloud, saying: Jesus bless me ! these thieves 
are like unto us Spaniards. 

This false civility of Captain Morgan, wherewith he used this 
lady, as a thing very common unto such persons as pretend and 
cannot obtain, was soon after changed into barbarous cruelty. 
For, three or four days being past, he came to see her, and 
entertained her with dishonest and lascivious discourses, 
opening unto her his ardent desires of enjoying the accomplish- 
ment of his lust. The virtuous lady constantly repulsed him, 
with all the civility imaginable and many humble and modest 
expressions of her mind. But Captain Morgan still persisted 
in his disorderly request presenting her withal with much pearl, 
gold, and all that he had got that was precious and valuable in 
that voyage. But the lady, being in no manner willing to 
consent thereunto, nor accept his presents, and showing herself 
in all respects like unto Susannah for constancy, he presently 
changed note, and began to speak unto her in another tone, 
threatening her with a thousand cruelties and hard usages at his 
hands. Unto all these things she gave this resolute and 
positive answer, than which no other could be extorted from 
her; Sir, my life is in your hands; but, as to my body, in 
relation to that which you would persuade me unto, my soul 
shall sooner be separated from it, through the violence of your 
arms, than I shall condescend to your request. No sooner had 


Captain Morgan understood this heroic resolution of her mind 
than he commanded her to be stripped of the best of her 
apparel, and imprisoned in a darksome and stinking cellar. 
Here she had allowed her an extremely small quantity of meat 
and drink, wherewith she had much ado to sustain her life for 
a few days. 

Under this hardship the constant and virtuous lady ceased 
not to pray daily unto God Almighty for constancy and patience 
against the cruelties of Captain Morgan. But he, being now 
thoroughly convinced of her chaste resolutions, as also desirous 
to conceal the cause of her confinement and hard usage, since 
many of the Pirates, his companions, did compassionate her 
condition, laid many false accusations to her charge, giving to 
understand she held intelligence with the Spaniards, and 
corresponded with them by letters, abusing thereby his former 
lenity and kindness. I myself was an eye-witness unto these 
things here related, and could never have judged such con- 
stancy of mind and virtuous chastity to be found in the world, 
if my own eyes and ears had not informed me thereof. But of 
this incomparable lady I shall say something more hereafter 
in its proper place ; whereupon I shall leave her at present, to 
continue my history. 

Captain Morgan, having now been at Panama the full space 
of three weeks, commanded all things to be put in order for 
his departure. Unto this effect, he gave orders to every com- 
pany of his men to seek out for so many beasts of carriage as 
might suffice to convey the whole spoil of the city to the river 
where his canoes lay. About this time a great rumour was 
spread in the city of a considerable number of Pirates who in- 
tended to leave Captain Morgan ; and that, by taking a ship 
which was in the port, they determined to go and rob upon the 
South Sea till they had got as much as they thought fit, and 
then return homewards by the way of the East Indies into 
Europe. For which purpose they had already gathered great 
quantity of provisions, which they had hidden in private places, 
with sufficient store of powder, bullets, and all other sorts of 
ammunition ; likewise some great guns belonging to the town, 
muskets, and other things, wherewith they designed not only 
to equip the said vessel but also to fortify themselves and raise 
batteries in some island or other, which might serve them for a 
place of refuge. 


This design had certainly taken effect as they intended, 
had not Captain Morgan had timely advice thereof 
given him by one of their comrades. Hereupon he in- 
stantly commanded the main-mast of the said ship should 
be cut down and burnt, together with all the other 
boats that were in the port. Hereby the intentions of 
all or most of his companions were totally frustrated. 
After this, Captain Morgan sent forth many of the Spaniards 
into the adjoining fields and country, to seek for money 
wherewith to ransom not only themselves but also all the rest 
of the prisoners, as likewise the ecclesiastics, both secular and 
regular. Moreover, he commanded all the artillery of the 
town to be spoiled, that is to say, nailed and stopped up. At 
the same time he sent out a strong company of men to seek for 
the Governor of Panama, of whom intelligence was brought 
that he had laid several ambuscades in the way by which he 
ought to pass at his return. But those who were sent upon 
this design returned soon after, saying they had not found any 
sign or appearance of any such ambuscades; for a confirmation 
whereof, they brought with them some prisoners they had 
taken, who declared how that the said Governor had had an 
intention of making some opposition by the way, but that the 
men whom he had designed to effect it were unwilling to 
undertake any such enterprize, so that, for want of means, he 
could not put his design in execution. 

On the 24th of February of the year 1671 Captain Morgan 
departed from the city of Panama, or rather from the place 
where the said city of Panama did stand ; of the spoils whereof 
he carried with him 175 beasts of carriage, laden with silver, 
gold, and other precious things, besides 600 prisoners, more or 
less, between men, women, children, and slaves. That day 
they came unto a river that passes through a delicious cam- 
paign-field, at the distance of a league from Panama. Here 
Captain Morgan put all his forces into good order of martial 
array, in such manner as that the prisoners were in the middle 
of the camp, surrounded on all sides with Pirates. At which 
present conjuncture nothing else was to be heard but lamen- 
tations, cries, shrieks, and doleful sighs, of so many women and 
children, who were persuaded Captain Morgan designed to 
transport them all and carry them into his own country for 
slaves. Besides that, among all those miserable prisoners, 


there was extreme hunger and thirst endured at that time ; 
which hardship and misery Captain Morgan designedly caused 
them to sustain, with intent to excite them more earnestly to 
seek for moneys wherewith to ransom themselves, according 
to the tax he had set upon every one.. Many of the women 
begged of Captain Morgan upon their knees, with infinite sighs 
and tears, he would permit to return unto Panama; there to 
live in company of their dear husbands and children, in little 
huts of straw which they would erect, seeing they had no houses 
until the rebuilding of the city. But his answer was: he 
came not thither to hear lamentations and cries, but rather to 
seek moneys. Therefore they ought to seek out for that in 
the first place, wherever it were to be had, and bring it to 
him, otherwise he would assuredly transport them all unto 
such places whither they cared not to go. 

The next day, when the march began, those lamentable cries 
and shrieks were renewed, in so much as it would have caused 
compassion in the hardest heart to hear them. But Captain 
Morgan, as a man little given to mercy, was not moved there- 
with in the least. They marched in the same order as was said 
before, one party of the Pirates preceding in the van, the 
prisoners in the middle, and the rest of the Pirates in the rear- 
guard, by whom the miserable Spaniards were, at every step, 
punched and thrust in their backs and sides with the blunt 
end of their arms, to make them march the faster. That 
beautiful and virtuous lady, of whom we made mention here- 
tofore, for her unparalleled constancy and chastity, was 
led prisoner by herself, between two Pirates who guarded her. 
Her lamentations now did pierce the skies, seeing herself 
carried away into foreign captivity, often crying unto the 
Pirates, and telling them: That she had given order unto two 
religious persons, in whom she had relied, to go unto a certain 
blace and fetch so much money as her ransom did amount unto. 
That they had promised faithfully to do it, but, having obtained 
the said money, instead of bringing it unto her they had employed 
it another way, to ransom some of theiy own and particular 
friends. This ill-action of theirs was discovered by a slave, 
who brought a letter unto the said lady. Her complaints, and 
the cause thereof, being brought unto the ears of Captain 
Morgan, he thought fit to inquire thereinto. Having found 
the thing to be true, especially hearing it confirmed by the 


confession of the said religious men, though under some 
frivolous excuses, of having diverted the money but for a day 
or two within which time they expected more sums to repay 
it, he gave liberty unto the said lady, whom otherwise he 
designed to transport unto Jamaica. But in the meanwhile 
he detained the said religious men as prisoners in her place, 
using them according to the deserts of their incompassionate 

As soon as Captain Morgan arrived, upon his march, at the 
town called Cruz, seated on the banks of the river Chagre as 
was mentioned before, he commanded an order to be published 
among the prisoners that within the space of three days every 
one of them should bring in his ransom, under the penalty 
aforementioned of being transported unto Jamaica. In the 
meanwhile he gave orders for so much rice and maize to be 
collected thereabouts as was necessary for the victualling all 
his ships. At this place some of the prisoners were ransomed, 
but many others could not bring in their moneys in so short 
time. Hereupon he continued his voyage, leaving the village 
on the 5th day of March next following, and carrying with him 
all the spoil that ever he couldtransport. From this village he 
likewise led away some new prisoners who were inhabitants 
of the said place. So that these prisoners were added unto those 
of Panama who had not as yet paid their ransoms, and all 
transported. But the two religious men who had diverted the 
money belonging to the lady were ransomed three days after 
their imprisonment, by other persons who had more compassion 
for their condition than they had showed for hers. About the 
middle of the way unto the Castle of Chagre Captain Morgan 
commanded them to be placed in due order, according to their 
custom, and caused every one to be sworn that they had re- 
served nor concealed nothing privately to themselves, even 
not so much as the value of sixpence. This being done, 
Captain Morgan having had some experience that those lewd 
fellows would not much stickle to swear falsely in points of 
interest, he commanded every one to be searched very stricily, 
both in their clothes and satchels and everywhere it might be 
presumed they had reserved anything. Yea, to the intent 
this order might not be ill taken by his companions, he per- 
mitted himself to be searched, even to the very soles of his 
shoes. Unto this effect, by common consent, there was as- 


signed one out of every company to be the searchers of all the 
rest. The French Pirates that went on this expedition with 
Captain Morgan were not well satisfied with this new custom of 
searching, Yet their number being less than that of the 
English, they were forced to submit unto it, as well as the 
others had done before them. The search being over, they re- 
embarked in their canoes and boats, which attended them on 
the river, and arrived at the Castle of Chagre on the gth day 
of the said month of March. Here they found all things in 
good order, excepting the wounded men whom they had left 
there at the time of their departure. For of these the greatest 
number were dead, through the wounds they had received. 

From Chagre Captain Morgan sent presently after his arrival 
a great boat to Porto Bello, wherein were all the prisoners he 
had taken at the isle of St Catharine, demanding by them a 
considerable ransom for the Castle of Chagre, where he then 
was, threatening otherwise to ruin and demolish it even to the 
ground. Unto this message those of Porto Bello made answer : 
They would not give one farthing towards the ransom of the said 
castle, and that the English might do with it as they pleased. 
This answer being come, the dividend was made of all the 
spoil they had purchased in that voyage. Thus every com- 
pany and every particular person therein included received 
their portion of what was gotten, or, rather, what part thereof 
Captain Morgan was pleased to give them. For so it was, that 
the rest of his companions, even of his own nation, complained 
of his proceedings in this particular, and feared not to tell him 
openly to his face that he had reserved the best jewels to him- 
self. For they judged it impossible that no greater share should 
belong to them than 200 pieces-of-eight per capita, of so many 
valuable purchases and robberies as they had obtained—which 
small sum they thought too little reward for so much labour and 
such huge and manifest dangers as they had so often exposed 
their lives unto. But Captain Morgan was deaf unto all these 
and many other complaints of this kind, as having designed in 
his mind to cheat them of as much as he could. 

At last Captain Morgan, finding himself obnoxious to many 
obloquies and detractions among his people, began to fear 
the consequence thereof, and hereupon, thinking it unsafe to 
remain any longer time at Chagre, he commanded the ordnance 
of the said Castle to be carried on board his ship. Afterwards 


he caused the greatest part of the walls to be demolished, and 
the edifices to be burnt, and as many other things spoiled and 
ruined as could conveniently be done in a short while. “ These 
orders being performed, he went secretly on board his own 
ship, without giving any notice of his departure unto his 
companions, nor calling any council, as he used to do. Thus 
he set sail and put out to sea, not bidding anybody adieu, 
being only followed by three or four vessels of the whole fleet. 
These were such (as the French Pirates believed) as went 
shares with Captain Morgan towards the best and greatest 
part of the spoil which had been concealed from them in the 
dividend. The Frenchmen could very willingly have revenged 
this affront upon Captain Morgan and those that followed 
him, had they found themselves with sufficient means to 
encounter him at sea. But they were destitute of most things 
necessary thereunto—yea, they had much ado to find suffi- 
cient victuals and provisions for their voyage to Jamaica, 
he having left them totally unprovided of all things. - 


Of a voyage made by the author along the coasts of Costa Rica, at 
his return towards Jamaica. What happened most remark- 
able in the said voyage. Some observations made by him at 
that time 

CAPTAIN MorGaN left us all in such a miserable condition as 
might serve for a lively representation of what reward attends 
wickedness at the latter end of life—whence we ought to have 
learned how to regulate and amend our actions for the future. 
However it was, our affairs being reduced to such a posture, 
every company that was left behind, whether English or 
French, were compelled to seek what means they could to 
help themselves. Thus most of them separated from each 
other, and several companies took several courses at their 
return homewards. As for that party to which I belonged, 
we steered our voyage along the coast of Costa Rica, where 
we intended to purchase some provisions and careen our 
vessel in some secure place or other. For the boat wherein 
we were was now grown so foul as to be rendered totally unfit 
for sailing. In few days we arrived at a great port, called 
Boca del Toro, where are always to be found an huge quantity 
of good and eatable tortoises. The circumference hereof is 
10 leagues, more or less, being surrounded with little islands, 
under which vessels may ride very secure from the violence 
of the winds. 

The said islands are inhabited by Indians, who never 
could be subjugated by the Spaniards, and hence they give 
them the name of Jnd7os bravos, or Wild Indians. They are 
divided, according to the variety of idioms of their language, 
into several customs and fashions of people, whence arises 
that they have perpetual wars against one another. Towards 
the east side of this port are found some of them who formerly 




did much trade with the Pirates, selling unto them the flesh 
of divers animals which they hunt in their countries, as also 
all sorts of fruits that the land produces. The exchange of 
which commodities was iron instruments that the Pirates 
brought [with] them, beads, and other toys, whereof they 
made great account for wearing, more than of precious jewels, 
which they knew not nor esteemed in the least. This commerce 
afterwards failed, because the Pirates committed many bar- 
barous inhumanities against them, killing many of their men 
on a certain occasion, and taking away their women to serve 
their disordinate lust. These abuses gave sufficient cause for 
a perpetual cessation of all friendship and commerce between 
them and the Pirates. 

We went ashore with design to seek provisions, our necessity 
being now almost extreme. But our fortune was so bad that 
we could find nothing else than a few eggs of crocodiles, where- 
with we were forced to content ourselves for that present. 
Hereupon we left those quarters, and steered our course east- 
wards. Being upon this tack, we met with three boats more 
of our own companions, who had been left behind by Captain 
Morgan. These told us they had been able to find no relief 
for the extreme hunger they sustained; moreover, that 
Captain Morgan himself and all his people were already 
reduced to such misery that he could afford them no more 
allowance than once a day, and that very short too. 

We, therefore, hearing from these boats that little or no 
good was like to be done by sailing farther eastwards, changed 
our course, and steered towards the west. Here we found 
an excessive quantity of tortoises, more than we needed for 
the victualling our boats, should we be never so long without 
any other flesh or fish. Having provided ourselves with 
this sort of victuals, the next thing we wanted was fresh water. 
There was enough to be had in the neighbouring islands, but 
we scarce dared to land on them, by reason of the enmity 
above mentioned between us and the Pirates and those Indians. 
Notwithstanding, necessity having no law, we were forced 
to do as we could, rather than as we desired to do. And 
hereupon we resolved to go all of us together unto one of 
the said islands. Being landed, one party of our men went to 
range in the woods, while another filled the barrels with water. 
Scarce one whole hour was past, after our people were got 



ashore, when suddenly the Indians came upon us, and we 
heard one of ourmencry: Avm! arm! We presently took up 
our arms, and began to fire at them as hot as we could. This 
caused them to advance no farther, and in a short while put 
them to flight, sheltering themselves. in the woods. We 
pursued them some part of the way, but not far, by reason 
we then esteemed rather to get in our water than any other 
advantages upon the enemy. Coming back, we found two 
Indians dead upon the shore, whereof the habiliments of 
one gave us to understand he was a person of quality amongst 
them. For he had about his body a girdle, or sash, very richly 
woven ; and on his face he wore a beard of massive gold—I 
mean, a small planch! of gold hung down at his lips by two 
strings (which penetrated two little holes, made there on 
purpose) that covered his beard, or served instead thereof. 
His arms were made of sticks of palmetto-trees, being very 
curiously wrought, at one end whereof was a kind of hook, 
which seemed to be hardened with fire. We could willingly 
have had opportunity to speak with some of these Indians, 
to see if we could reconcile their minds unto us, and by this 
means renew the former trade with them, and obtain pro- 
visions. But this was a thing impossible, through the wildness 
of their persons and savageness of their minds. Notwith- 
standing, this encounter hindered us not from filling our 
barrels with water, and carrying them aboard. 

The night following we heard from the shore huge cries 
and shrieks among the Indians. These lamentations caused 
us to believe, because they were heard so far, they had called 
in much more people to aid them against us; as, also, that 
they lamented the death of those two men who were killed 
the day before. These Indians never come upon the waters 
of the sea, neither have they ever given themselves to build 
canoes or any other sort of vessels for navigation—not so 
much as fisher-boats, of which art of fishery they are totally 
ignorant. At last, having nothing else to hope for in these 
parts, we resolved to depart thence for Jamaica, whither we 
designed to go. Being set forth, we met with contrary winds, 
which caused us to make use of our oars, and row as far as 
the river of Chagre. When we came nigh unto it, we perceived 

1 (plank), slab. Cf. transl. of The Conquest of West India [1578], 
233: ‘‘.. . there sawe golde in planches like bricke battes.’’ 

a a ee 


a ship that made towards us, and began to give us chase. 
Our apprehensions were that it was a ship from Cartagena, 
which might be sent to rebuild and retake possession of the 
Castle of Chagre, now all the Pirates were departed thence. 
Hereupon we set all our sail and ran before the wind, to see 
if we could escape or refuge ourselves in any place. But the 
vessel, being much swifter and cleaner than ours, easily got 
the wind of us, and stopped our course. Then approaching 
nigh unto us, we discovered that they were, and knew them 
to be our former comrades, in the same expedition of Panama, 
who were but lately set out from Chagre. Their design was 
to go unto Nombre de Dios, and thence to Cartagena, to seek 
some purchase or other in or about that frequented port. 
But, the wind at that present being contrary to their intention, 
they concluded to go in our company towards the same place 
where we were before, called Boca del Toro. 

This accident and encounter retarded our journey, in the 
space of two days, more than we could regain in a whole fort- 
night. This was the occasion that obliged us to return to our 
former station, where we remained for a few days. Thence 
we directed our course for a place called Boca del Dragon, 
there to make provisions of flesh, especially of a certain animal 
which the Spaniards call manentines!, and the Dutch ‘ sea- 
cows ’, because the head, nose, and teeth of this beast are very 
like unto those of a cow. They are found commonly in such 
places as under the depth of the waters are very full of grass, 
on which, it is thought, they do pasture. These animals have 
no ears, and only in place of them are to be seen two little 
holes, scarce capable of receiving the little finger of a man. 
Nigh unto the neck they have two wings, under which are 
seated two udders or breasts, much like unto the breasts 
of a woman. The skin is very close and united together, 
resembling the skin of a Barbary (or Guinea) dog. This skin 
upon the back is of the thickness of two fingers, which, being 
dried, is as hard as any whalebone, and may serve to make 
walking-staffs withal. The belly is in all things like unto that 
of a cow, as far as the kidneys, or reins. Their manner of 

1 Manatee, Span. manati, an aquatic mammal, at one time supposed 
to have originated the legends of the mermaids. Cf. Eden, Decades, 
section ii (1555): ‘‘. . . also manates, and murene, and manye other 
fysshes which haue no names in oure language.” 


engendering, likewise, is the same with the usual manner of 
a land-cow, the male of this kind being in similitude almost 
one and the same thing with a bull. Yet, notwithstanding, 
they conceive and breed but once. But the space of time 
that they go with calf, I could not as yet learn. These fishes 
have the sense of hearing extremely acute, in so much that 
in taking them the fisherman ought not to make the least 
noise, nor row, unless it be very slightly. For this reason 
they make use of certain instruments for rowing which the 
Indians call pagayos!, and the Spaniards name caneletas, 
with which although they row, yet it is performed without 
any noise that can fright the fish. While they are busied in 
this fishery, they use not speak to one another, but all is 
transacted by signs. He that darts them with the javelin 
uses it after the same manner as when they kill tortoises. 
Howbeit, the point of the said javelin is somewhat different, 
as having two hooks at the extremity, and these longer than 
that of the other fishery. Of these fishes some are found to 
be of the length of twenty unto twenty-four foot. Their 
flesh is very good to eat, being very like in colour unto that 
of a land-cow, but in taste unto that of pork. It contains 
much fat, or grease, which the Pirates use to melt and keep 
in earthen pots, to make use thereof instead of oil. 

On a certain day, wherein we were not able to do any good 
at this sort of fishery, some of our men went into the woods 
to hunt, and others to catch other fish. Soon after we espied 
a canoe, wherein were two Indians. These no sooner had 
discovered our vessels but they rowed back with all the speed 
they could towards the land, being unwilling to trade or have 
anything to do with us Pirates. We followed them to the shore, 
but through their natural nimbleness, being much greater than 
ours, they retired into the woods before we could overtake them. 
Yea, what was more admirable, they drew on shore and car- 
ried with them their canoe into the wood as easily as if it were 
made of straw, although it weighed above 2000 pounds, 
This we knew by the canoe itself, which we found afterwards 
and had much ado to get it into the water again, although we 
were in all eleven persons to pull at it. 

1 Cf. ‘‘. . . for this reason they use certain instruments for rowing 
by the Indians called pagayos, with which they row without any noise 
to fright the fish.’’—Description of the Isthmus of Darien [1699], p. 9— 
evidently derived from this book. 



We had at that time in our company a certain pilot who 
had been divers times in those quarters. This man, seeing 
this action of the Indians, told us that some few years before 
a squadron of Pirates happened to arrive at that place. Being 
there, they went in canoes to catch a certain sort of little 
birds, which inhabits the sea-coast under the shade of very 
beautiful trees, which here are to be seen. While they were 
busied at that work, certain Indians who had climbed up 
into the trees to view their actions, seeing now the canoes 
underneath, leaped down into the sea, and with huge celerity 
seized some of the canoes and Pirates that kept them, both 
which they transported so nimbly into the remotest parts of 
the woods as that the prisoners could not be relieved by their 
companions. Hereupon the Admiral of the said squadron 
landed presently after with 500 men, to seek and rescue the 
men he had lost. But they saw such an excessive number of 
Indians flock together to oppose them as obliged them to 
retreat with all possible diligence unto their ships, concluding 
among themselves that, if such forces as those could not 
perform anything towards the recovery of their companions, 
they ought to stay no longer time there. Having heard this 
history, we came away thence, fearing some mischief might 
befall us, and bringing with us the canoe aforementioned. 
In this we found nothing else but a fishing-net, though not 
very large, and four arrows made of palm-tree, of the length 
of seven-foot each and of the figure, or shape, as follows. 

| ———e 

These arrows we believed to be their arms. The canoe 
we brought away was made of cedar, but very roughly hewn 
and polished, which caused us to think that those people 
have no instruments of iron. 

We left that place, and arrived in twenty-four hours at 
another called Rio de Zeura, where we found some few houses 
belonging to the city of Cartagena. These houses are inhabited 
by Spaniards, whom we resolved to visit, not being able to 

find any tortoises nor yet any of their eggs. The inhabitants 
were all fled from the said houses, having left no victuals 


nor provisions behind them, in so much that we were forced 
to content ourselves with a certain fruit, which there is called 
plantano. Of these plantanos we filled our boats, and continued 
our voyage, coasting along the shore. Our design was to 
find out some creek or bay wherein to careen our vessel, which 
now was very leaky on all sides—yea, insuch a dangerous 
condition that both night and day we were constrained to 
employ several men at the pump, unto which purpose we 
made use of all our slaves. This voyage lasted a whole fort- 
night, all which time we lay under the continual frights of 
perishing every moment. At last we arrived at a certain port 
called the Bay of Bleevelt, being so named from a pirate who 
used to resort thither with the same design that we did. Here 
one party of our men went into the woods to hunt, while 
another undertook to refit and careen our vessel. 

Our companions who went abroad to hunt found here- 
abouts porcupines of a huge and monstrous bigness. But their 
chief exercise was killing of monkeys, and certain birds called 
by the Spaniards faisanes, or pheasants. The toil and labour 
we had in this employment of shooting did seem, at least 
unto me, to be sufficiently compensated with the pleasure of 
killing the said monkeys. For at these we usually made 
fifteen to sixteen shots before we could kill three or four of 
them, so nimbly would they escape our hands and aim, even 
after being desperately wounded. On the other side, it was 
delightful to see the female monkeys carry their little ones 
upon their backs, even just as the negresses do their children. 
When any person passes under the trees where these monkeys 
are sitting, they will commonly open their bellies and squirt 
their excrement upon their heads and clothes. Likewise, 
if shooting at a parcel of them, any monkey happens to be 
wounded, the rest of the company will flock about him, and 
lay their hands upon the wound, to hinder the blood from 
issuing forth. Others will gather moss that grows upon the 
trees, and thrust it into the wound, and thereby stop the blood. 
At other times they will gather such or such herbs, and, chew- 
ing them in their mouth, apply them after the manner of a 
poultice, or cataplasm. All which things did cause in me 
great admiration, seeing such strange actions in those irra- 
tional creatures, which testified the fidelity and love they had 
for one another. 


On the gth day after our arrival at that place, our women- 
slaves being busied in their ordinary employments of washing 
dishes, sewing, drawing water out of wells, which we had made 
on the shore, and the like things, we heard great cries of one 
of them, who said she had seen a troop of Indians appear 
towards the woods, whereby she began immediately to cry 
out: Indians! Indians! We, hearing this rumour, ran 
presently to our arms, and their relief. But, coming unto the 
wood, we found no person there excepting two of our women- 
slaves killed upon the place, with the shot of arrows. In 
their bodies we saw so many arrows sticking as might seem 
they had been fixed there with particular care and leisure, 
for otherwise we knew that one of them alone was sufficient 
to bereave any human body of life. These arrows were all 

D B 

A. A marcasite!, which was tied unto the extremity of the arrow 
B. A hook, tied to the same extremity 

C. The arrow 

D. The case, at the other end 

of a rare fashion and shape, their length being eight feet, 
and their thickness of a man’s thumb. At one of the extremi- 
ties hereof was to be seen a hook made of wood and tied to 
the body of the arrow with a string. At the other end was a 
certain case, or box, like the case of a pair of tweezers, in the 
which we found certain little pebbles, or stones. The colour 
thereof was red, and very shining, as if they had been locked 
up some considerable time. All which, we believed were arms 
belonging to their captains and leaders. 

These arrows were all made without instruments of iron. 
For, whatsoever the Indians make, they harden it first very 
artificially with fire, and afterwards polish it with flints. 

As to the nature of these Indians, they are extremely 

1 An obsolete name for certain crystalized forms of iron pyrites’ 
Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 575: ‘‘ We found a mine of 
marcazites, which glister like golde (but all is not gold that glistereth),’ 
Sometimes called the “ fire-stone ’’ (v. Cotgrave, Dictionary [1611)). 


robust of constitution, strong and nimble at their feet. We 
sought them carefully up and down the woods, but could 
not find the least trace of them, neither any of their canoes, 
nor floats, whereof they make use to go out to fish. Hereupon 
we retired unto our vessels, where, having embarked all our 
goods, we put off from the shore, fearing lest finding us there 
they should return in any considerable number, and over- 
powering our forces tear us all in pieces. 


The author departs towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios. Of the 
commerce which here the Pirates exercise with the Indians. 
His arrival at the island De los Pinos; and, finally, his 
return unto Jamaica 

THE fear we had, more than usual, of those Indians above- 
mentioned, by reason of the death of our two women-slaves, 
of which we told you in the former chapter, occasioned us 
to depart as fast as we could from that place.. We directed 
our course thence towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios, where 
we had fixed our last hopes of finding provisions. For thither 
do usually resort many Pirates, who entertain a friendly 
correspondence and trade with the Indians of those parts. 
Being arrived at the said cape, we hugely rejoiced, and gave 
thanks unto God Almighty, for having delivered us out of 
so many dangers and brought us unto this place of refuge, 
where we found people who showed us most cordial friendship, 
and provided us with all necessaries whatsoever. 

The custom of this island is such that, when any Pirates 
arrive there, every one has the liberty to buy for himself an 
Indian woman, at the price of a knife or any old axe, wood-bill, 
or hatchet. By this contract the woman is obliged to remain 
in the custody of the Pirate all the time he stays there. She 
serves him in the meanwhile, and brings him victuals of all 
sorts that the country affords. The Pirate, moreover, has 
liberty to go when he pleases, either to hunt, or fish, or about 
any other divertisements of his pleasure ; but withal is not 
to commit any hostility, or depredation upon the inhabitants, 
seeing the Indians bring him in all that he stands in need of, 
or that he desires. 

Through the frequent converse and familiarity these Indians 
have with the Pirates, they sometimes use to go to sea with 



them, and remain among them for whole years, without re- 
turning home. Whence it comes that many of them can speak 
English and French, and some of the Pirates their Indian 
language. They are very dexterous at darting with the 
javelin, whereby they are very useful to the Pirates towards 
the victualling their ships, by the fishery of tortoises, and 
manitas, a sort of fish so called by the Spaniards. For one of 
these Indians is alone sufficient to victual a vessel of an 
hundred persons. We had among our crew two Pirates who 
could speak very well the Indian language. By the help of 
these men I was so curious [as] to inquire into their customs, 
lives, and policy, whereof I shall give you here a brief account. 
This island contains about thirty leagues in circumference, 
more or less. It is governed efter the form of a little common- 
wealth, they having no king nor sovereign-prince among them. 
Neither do they entertain any friendship or correspondence 
with other neighbouring islands, much less with the Spaniards. 
They are in all but a small nation, whose number does not 
exceed sixteen or seventeen hundred persons. They have 
among them some few negroes, who serve them in quality 
of slaves. These happened to arrive there, swimming, after 
shipwreck made upon that coast. For, being bound for Terra 
Firma in a ship that carried them to be sold in those parts, 
they killed the Captain and mariners, with design to return 
unto their country. But, through their ignorance in marinery, 
they stranded their vessel hereabouts. Although, as I said 
before, they make but a small nation, yet they live divided, 
as it were, into two several provinces. Of these, the one sort 
employ themselves in cultivating the ground and making 
several plantations ; but the others are so lazy that they have 
not courage to build themselves huts, much less houses, to 
dwell in. They frequent chiefly the sea-coast, wandering 
disorderly up and down, without knowing or caring so much 
as to cover their bodies from the rains, which are very frequent 
in those parts, unless it be with a few palm-leaves. These 
they put upon their heads, and keep their backs always turned 
to the wind that blows. They use no other clothes than an 
apron, which being tied to their middle, cometh down so far 
as to hide the shameful parts of their bodies. Such aprons 
are made of the rinds of trees, which they strongly beat upon 
stones till they are softened. Of these same they make use 


for bed-clothes, to cover themselves when they sleep. Some 
make to themselves bed-clothes of cotton, but these are but 
few in number. Their usual arms are nothing but azagayas, 
or spears, which they make fit for their use with points of 
iron or teeth of crocodiles. 

They know, after some manner, that there is a God, yet they 
live without any religion or divine worship. Yea, as far as 
I can learn, they believe not in nor serve the devil, as many 
other nations of America do both believe, invoke, and worship 
him. Hereby they are not so much tormented by him as other 
nations are. Their ordinary food, for the greatest part, con- 
sists in several fruits, such as are called bananas, racoven, 
ananas, potatoes, cassava; as also crabs, and some few fish 
of other sorts, which they kill in the sea with darts. As to 
their drink, they are something expert in making certain 
pleasant and delicate liquors. The commonest among them 
is called achioc. This is made of a certain seed of palm-tree, 
which they bruise and afterwards steep or infuse in hot water, 
till it be settled at the bottom. This liquor, being strained off, 
has a very pleasant taste, and is very nourishing. Many other 
sorts of liquors they prepare, which I shall omit for brevity. 
Only I shall say something, in short, of that which is made 
of planianos. These they knead betwixt their hands with 
hot water, and afterwards put into great calabashes, which 
they fill up with cold water, and leave in repose for the space 
of eight days, during which time it ferments as well as the 
best sort of wine. This liquor they drink for pleasure, and as 
a great regale[ment], in so much that, when these Indians 
invite their friends or relations, they cannot treat them 
better than to give them some of this pleasant drink. 

They are very unskilful in dressing of victuals ; and hence 
it is that they very seldom treat one another with banquets. 
For this purpose, when they go or send to any house to invite 
others, they desire them to come and drink of their liquors. 
Before the invited persons come to their house, those that 
expect them comb their hair very well, and anoint their faces 
with oil of palm mingled with a certain black tincture, which 
renders them very hideous. The women, in like manner, 
daub their faces with another sort of stuff, which causes them 
to look as red as crimson. And such are the greatest civilities 
they use in their ornaments and attire. Afterwards, he that 


invites the other takes his arms, which are three or four 
azagayas, and goes out of his cottage the space of three or 
four hundred steps, to wait for and receive the persons that 
are to come to visit him. As soon as they draw nigh unto him, 
he falls down upon the ground, lying flat on his face, in which 
posture he remains without any motion, as if he were dead. 
Being thus prostrate before them, the invited friends take 
him up and set him on his feet, and thus they go altogether 
unto the hut. Here the persons who are invited use the 
same ceremony, falling down on the ground, as the inviter 
did before. But he lifts them up one by one, and, giving them 
his hand, conducts them into his cottage, where he causes 
them to sit. The women on these occasions perform few or 
no ceremonies. 

Being thus brought into the house, they are presented 
every one with a calabash full of the liquor above-mentioned, 
made of flantanos, which is very thick, almost like unto water- 
gruel, or children’s pap, wherein is contained four quarts, 
more or less, of the said liquor. These they are to drink off 
as well as they can, and get down at any rate. The calabashes 
being emptied into their stomachs, the master of the house, 
with many ceremonies, goes about the room, and gathers 
his calabashes. And this drinking hitherto is reckoned but for 
one welcome, whereas every invitation ought to contain several 
welcomes. Afterwards, they begin to drink of the clear liquor 
above-mentioned, for which they were called to this treat. 
Hereunto follow many songs and dances and a thousand 
caresses to the women that are present: in so much that 
oftentimes, for a testimony of their great love unto them, they 
take their darts and with the points thereof pierce and wound 
their genital parts. This relation I confess I could not believe, 
though oftentimes it had been certified unto me, until such time 
as my own eyes were witnesses unto these and the like actions. 
Neither only on this occasion do they perform this ceremony 
of piercing their genitals, but also when they make love unto 
any woman, intending thereby to let them understand the 
greatness of their affection and constancy. 

They use not to marry any young maid without the consent 
of her parents. Hereupon, if any one desires to take a wife, 
he is first examined by the damsel’s father concerning several 
points relating to good husbandry. These are most commonly : 


whether he can make azagayas, darts for fishing, or spin a 
certain thread which they use about their arrows. Having 
answered to satisfaction, the examiner calls to his daughter, 
for a little calabash full of the liquor above-mentioned. Of 
this he drinks first ; then gives the cup unto the young man ; 
and he finally unto the bride, who drinks it up ; and with this 
only ceremony the marriage is made. When any one drinks 
to the health of another, the second person ought to drink up 
the liquor which the other person has left in the calabash. 
But, in case of marriage, as was said before, it is consumed 
alone among those three, the bride obtaining the greatest 
part to her share. 

When the woman lies in, neither she nor her husband 
observe the time, as is customary among the Caribbees. But, 
as soon as the woman is delivered, she goes instantly unto 
the next river, brook, or fountain, and washes the new-born 
creature, swaddling it up afterwards in certain rollers, or 
swaddling bands, which there are called cabalas. This being 
done, she goes about her ordinary labour, as before. At 
their entertainments it is usual that, when the man dies, his 
wife buries him with all his azagayas, aprons, and jewels 
that he used to wear at his ears. Her next obligation is to 
come every day to her husband’s grave, bringing him meat 
and drink for a whole year together. Their years they reckon 
by the moons, allowing fifteen to every year, which make their 
entire circle, as our twelve months make ours. 

Some historians writing of the Caribbee Islands do affirm 
that this ceremony of carrying victuals to the dead is generally 
observed among them. Moreover, that the devil comes unto 
the sepulchres, and carries away all the meat and drink which 
is placed there. But I myself am not of this opinion, seeing 
I have oftentimes with my own hands taken away these 
offerings, and eaten them instead of other victuals. Unto this 
I was moved, because I knew that the fruits used on these 
occasions were the choicest and ripest of all others, as also 
the liquors of the best sort they made use of for their greatest 
regale[ment] and pleasure. When the widow has thus com- 
pleted her year, she opens the grave, and takes out all her 
husband’s bones. These she scrapes and washes very well, and 
afterwards dries against the beams of the sun. When they are 
sufficiently dried, she ties them all together, and puts them 


into a cabala, being a certain pouch or satchel, and is obliged 
for another year to carry them upon her back in the daytime, 
and to sleep upon them in the night, until the year be com- 
pletely expired. This ceremony being finished, she hangs up 
the bag and bones against the post of her own door, in case 
she be mistress of any house. But, having no house of her own, 
she hangs them at the door of her next neighbour or relation. 

The widows cannot marry a second time, according to the 
laws or customs of this nation, until the whole space of the two 
years above-mentioned be completed. The men are bound 
to perform no such ceremonies towards their wives. But, 
if any Pirate marries an Indian Woman, she is bound to do 
with him in all things as if he were an Indian man born. Then 
negroes that are upon this island live here in all respects 
according to the customs of their own country. All these 
things I have thought fit to take notice of in this place, though 
briefly, as judging them worthy the curiosity of some judicious 
and inquisitive persons. Now I shall continue the account 
of our voyage. 

After that we had refreshed and provided ourselves, as 
well as we could, at the island aforesaid, we departed thence, 
and steered our course towards the island De los Pinos. 
Here we arrived in fifteen days, and were constrained to refit 
again our vessel, which now the second time was very leaky 
and not fit for sailing any farther. Hereupon we divided our- 
selves, as before, and some went about that work of careening 
the ship, while others betook themselves to fishing. In this 
last we were so successful as to take in six or seven hours as 
much fish as would abundantly suffice to feed a thousand per- 
sons. We had in our company some Indians from the cape of 
Gracias 4 Dios, who were very dexterous both in hunting and 
fishing. With the help of these men we killed likewise in a 
short while and salted a huge number of wild-cows, sufficient 
both to satiate our hungry appetites and to victual our vessel 
for the sea. These cows were formerly brought into this . 
island by the Spaniards, with design they should here mul- 
tiply and stock the country with cattle of this kind. We 
salted in like manner a vast number of tortoises, whereof in this 
island huge quantities are to be found. With these things 
our former cares and troubles began to dissipate, and our minds 
to be so far recreated as to forget the miseries we had lately 


endured. Hereupon we began to call one another again by the 
_ name of brothers, which was customary amongst us, but had 
been disused in our miseries and scarce remembered without 

All the time we continued here, we feasted ourselves very 
plentifully, without the least fear of enemies. For as to the 
Spaniards that were upon the island, they were here in mutual 
league and friendship with us. Thus we were only constrained 
to keep watch and ward every night, for fear of the crocodiles, 
which are here in great plenty all over the island. For these, 
when they are hungry, will assault any man whatsoever and 
devour him, as it happened in this conjuncture to one of our 
companions. This man being gone into the wood in company 
with a negro, they fell into a place where a crocodile lay con- 
cealed. The furious animal with incredible agility assaulted the 
Pirate, and, fastening upon his leg, cast him upon the ground, 
the negro being fled who should assist him. Yet he, notwith- 
standing, being a robust and courageous man, drew forth | 
a knife he had then about him, and with the same, after a 
dangerous combat, overcame and killed the crocodile. Which 
having done, he himself, both tired with the battle and weakened 
with the loss of blood that ran from his wounds, lay for 
dead upon the place, or at least beside his senses. Being found 
in this posture some while after by the negro, who returned 
to see what was become of his master, he took him upon. his 
back and brought him to the sea-side, distant thence the space 
of a whole league. -Here we received him into a canoe, and 
conveyed him on board our ship. 

After this misfortune none of our men dared be so bold 
as to enter the woods without good company. Yea, we our- 
selves, desirous to revenge the disaster of our companion, 
went in troops the next day to the woods, with design to find 
out crocodiles to kill. These animals would usually come every 
night to the sides of our ship and make resemblance of climbing 
up into the vessel. One of these, on a certain night, we seized 
with an iron hook, but he, instead of flying to the bottom, 
began to mount the ladder of the ship, till we killed him with 
other instruments. Thus, after we had remained there some 
considerable time and refitted ourselves with all things neces- 
sary, we set sail thence for Jamaica. Here we arrived within 
few days, after a prosperous voyage, and found Captain 


Morgan, who was got home before us, but had seen as yet 
none of his companions whom he left behind, we being the 
first that arrived there after him. 

The said Captain at that present was very busy, endeavour- 
ing to persuade and levy people to transport unto the isle of 
St Catharine, which he designed to fortify and hold as his own, 
thinking to make it a common refuge unto all sorts of Pirates, 
or at least of his own nation, as was said before. But he was 
soon hindered in the prosecution of this design by the arrival 
of a man-of-war from England. For this vessel brought orders 
from his Majesty of Great Britain, to recall the Governor of 
Jamaica from his charge over that island, unto the Court of 
England, there to give an account of his proceedings and 
behaviour in relation to the Pirates whom he had maintained 
in those parts, to the huge detriment of the subjects of the 
King of Spain. Unto this purpose the said man-of-war brought 
over also a new Governor of Jamaica, to supply the place of 
_ the preceding. This gentleman, being possessed of the govern- 
ment of the island, presently after gave notice unto all the ports 
thereof, by several boats which he sent forth to that intent, 
of the good and entire correspondence which his master the 
King of England designed henceforwards to maintain in those 
Western parts of the world towards his Catholic Majesty 
and all his subjects and dominions. And that unto this effect, 
for the time to come, he had received from his Sacred Majesty 
and Privy Council strict and severe orders not to permit any 
Pirate whatsoever to set forth from Jamaica, to commit 
any hostility or depredation upon the Spanish nation or 
dominions, or any other people of those neighbouring islands. 

No sooner these orders were sufficiently divulged but the 
Pirates, who as yet were abroad at sea, began to fear them, 
insomuch that they dared not return home unto the said 
island. Hereupon they kept the seas as long as they could, 
and continued to act as many hostilities as came in their way. 
Not long after, the same Pirates took and ransacked a con- 
siderable town, seated in the isle of Cuba, called La Villa de 
los Cayos, of which we made mention in the description of 
the said island. Here they committed again all sorts of hos- 
tility and inhuman and barbarous cruelties. But the new 
Governor of Jamaica behaved himself so constant to his duty, 
and the orders he had brought from England, that he appre- 

a ae 


hended several of the chief actors herein, and condemned 
them to be hanged, which was accordingly done. From this 
severity many others still remaining abroad took warning, 
and retired to the isle of Tortuga, lest they should fall into 
his hands. Here they joined in society with the French 
Pirates, inhabitants of the said island, in whose company they 
continue to this day. 


The relation of the shipwreck which Monsieur Bertram Ogeron, 
Governor of the isle of Tortuga, suffered near the Isles of 
Guadanillas. How both he and his companions fell into the 
hands of the Spaniards. By what arts he escaped their hands, 
and preserved his life. The enterprise which he undertook 
against Porto Rico to deliver his people. The unfortunate 
success of that design 

AFTER the expedition of Panama above-mentioned, the 
inhabitants of the French islands in America, in the year 
1673 (while the war was so fierce in Europe between France 
and Holland), gathered a considerable fleet, for to go and possess 
themselves of the islands belonging to the States-General 
of the United Provinces in the West Indies. Unto this effect 
their admiral called together and levied all the Pirates and 
volunteers that would, by any inductions whatsoever, sit 
down under his colours. With the same design the Governor 
of Tortuga caused to be built in that island a good 
strong man-of-war, unto which vessel he gave the name of 
Ogeron. This ship he provided very well with all sorts of 
ammunition, and manned with five-hundred buccaneers, 
all resolute and courageous men, as being the vessel he de 
signed for his own safety. Their first intention was to go and 
take the isle of Curacao, belonging to the said States of 
Holland. But this design met with very ill success, by reason 
of a shipwreck, which impeded the course of their voyage. 
Monsieur Ogeron set sail from the port of Tortuga as soon 
as all things were in readiness, with intent to join the rest 
of the said fleet and pursue the enterprize aforementioned. 
Being arrived on the West side of the Island of St John de 
Puerto Rico, he was suddenly surprized with a violent storm. 
This increased to that a degree as caused his new frigate to 



strike against the rocks that neighbour upon the islands, 
called Guadanillas, where the vessel broke into a thousand 
pieces. Yet, being nigh unto the land of Porto Rico, all his 
men escaped, by saving their lives in boats, which they had at 

The next day, all being now got on shore, they were dis- 
covered by the Spaniards who inhabit the island. These 
instantly took them to be French Pirates, whose intent was 
to take the said island anew, as they had done several times 
before. Hereupon they alarmed the whole country, and, 
gathering their forces together, marched out to their encounter. 
But they found them ‘unprovided of all manner of arms, and 
consequently not able to make any defence, craving for mercy 
at their hands, and begging quarter for their lives, as the cus- 
tom is. Yet notwithstanding, the Spaniards, remembering 
the horrible and cruel actions those Pirates had many times 
committed against them, would have no compassion on their 
condition. But, answering them: Ha! ye thievish dogs, 
here’s no quarter for you! they assaulted them with all fury 
imaginable, and killed the greatest part of the company. 
At last, perceiving they made no resistance nor had any arms 
to defend themselves, they began to relent in their cruelty, 
and stay their blows, taking prisoners as many as remained 
alive. Yet still they would not be persuaded but that those 
unfortunate people were come thither with design to take 
again and ruin the island. 

Hereupon they bound them with cords, by two and two or 
three and three together, and drove them through the woods 
into the campaign, or open fields. Being come thus far with 
them, they asked them: What was become of their captain 
and leader? Unto these questions they constantly made 
answer: He was drowned in the shipwreck at sea; although 
they knew full well it was false. For Monsieur Ogeron, being 
unknown unto the Spaniards, behaved himself among them 
as if he were a fool and had no common use of reason. Not- 
withstanding, the Spaniards, scarce believing what the 
prisoners had answered, used all the means they could possibly 
to find him, but could not compass their desires. For Mon- 
sieur Ogeron kept himself very close to all the features and 
mimical actions that might become any innocent fool. Upon 
this account he was not tied as the rest of his companions, 


but let loose, to serve the divertisement and laughter of the 
common soldiers. These now and then would give him scraps 
of bread and other victuals, whereas the rest of the prisoners 
had never sufficient wherewith to satisfy their hungry 
stomachs. For, as to the allowance they had from the 
Spaniards, their enemies, it was scarce enough to preserve 
them alive. 

It happened there was found among the French Pirates 
a certain surgeon, who had done some remarkable services 
to the Spaniards. In consideration of these merits, he was 
unbound and set at liberty, to go freely up and down, even 
as Monsieur Ogeron did. Unto this surgeon Monsieur Ogeron, 
having a fit opportunity thereunto, declared his resolution 
of hazarding his life to attempt an escape from the cruelty 
and hard usage of those enemies. After mature deliberation, 
they both performed it, by flying unto the woods, with design 
there to make something or other that might be navigable, 
whereby to transport themselves elsewhere ; although unto 
this effect they had nor could obtain no other thing in the world 
that could be serviceable in building of vessels but one only 
hatchet. Thus they joined company, and began their march 
towards the woods that lay nearest the sea-coast. Having 
travelled all day long, they came about evening unto the 
sea-side almost unexpectedly. Here they found themselves 
without anything to eat, nor any secure place wherein to 
rest their wearied limbs. At last they perceived nigh the shore 
an huge quantity of fishes, called by the Spaniards corlabados. 
These frequently approach the sands of the shore in pursuit 
of other little fishes that serve them for their food. Of these 
they took as many as they thought necessary, and, by rubbing 
two sticks tediously together, they kindled fire, wherewith 
they made coals to roast them. The next day they began to 
cut down and prepare timber, wherewith to make a kind of 
small boat, in which they might pass over unto the isle of 
Santa Cruz, which belongs to the French. 

While they were busied about their work, they discovered, 
at a great distance, a certain canoe, which steered directly 
towards the place where they were. This occasioned in their 
minds some fears lest they should be found, and taken again 
by the Spaniards ; and hereupon they retired into the woods 
till such time as they could see thence and distinguish what 



people were in the canoe. But at last, as their good fortune 
would have it, they perceived them to be no more than two 
men, who in their disposition and apparel seemed to be fisher- 
men. Having made this discovery, they concluded unani- 
mously betwixt themselves to hazard their lives, and overcome 
them, and afterwards seize the canoe. Soon after they per- 
ceived one of them, who was a mulatto, to go with several 
calabashes hanging at his back towards a spring, not far distant 
from the shore, to take in fresh water. The other, who was 
a Spaniard, remained behind, waiting for his return. Seeing 
them divided, they assaulted the mulatto first, and discharging 
a great blow on his head with the hatchet, they soon bereaved 
him of life. The Spaniard, hearing the noise, made instantly 
towards the canoe, thinking to escape. But this he could not 
perform so soon, without being overtaken by the two, and 
there massacred by their hands. Having now compassed 
their design, they went to seek for the corpse of the mulatto, 
which they carried on board the canoe. Their intent was to 
convey them into the middle of the sea, and there cast 
them overboard, to be consumed by the fish, and by this means 
conceal this fact from being known unto the Spaniards, either 
at a short or long distance of time. 

These things being done, they took in presently as much 
fresh water as they could, and set sail to seek thence some 
place of refuge. That day they steered along the coast of 
Porto Rico, and came unto the cape called by the Spaniards 
Cabo Roxo. Hence they traversed directly to the isle of 
Hispaniola, where so many of their own comrades and com- 
panions were to be found. Both the currents of the waters 
and winds were very favourable unto this voyage, in so much 
that in a few days they arrived at a place called Samana, 
belonging to the said island, where they found a party of their 
own people. 

Monsieur Ogeron, being landed at Samana, gave orders 
unto the surgeon to levy all the people he could possibly in 
those parts, while he departed to revisit his government of 
Tortuga. Being arrived at the said port, he used all his endea- 
vours to gather what vessels and men he could to his assist- 
ance ; so that within a few days he compassed a good number 
of both, very well equipped and disposed to follow and execute 
his designs. These were to go unto the island of St John de 


Puerto Rico, and deliver his fellow-prisoners whom he had 
left in the miserable condition as was said before. After 
having embarked all the people which the surgeon had levied 
at Samana, he made them a speech, exhorting them to have 
good courage, and telling them: You may all expect great 
spoil and riches from this enterprize, and therefore let all fear 
and cowardice be set on side. On the contrary, fill your hearts 
with courage and valour, for thus you will find yourselves soon 
satisfied of what, at present, bare hopes do promise. Every one 
relied much on these promises of Monsieur Ogeron, and, 
from his words, conceived no small joy in their minds. Thus 
they set sail from Tortuga, steering their course directly for 
the coasts of Porto Rico. Being come within sight of land, 
they made use only of their lower sails, to the intent they 
might not be discovered at so great a distance by the Spaniards, 
till they came somewhat near the place where they intended 
to land. 

The Spaniards, notwithstanding this caution, had intelli- 
gence beforehand of their coming, and were prepared for a 
defence, having posted many troops of horse all along the 
coast, to watch the descent of the French Pirates. Monsieur 
Ogeron, perceiving their vigilance, gave order to the vessels 
to draw nigh unto the shore and shoot off many great guns, 
whereby he forced the cavalry to retire unto places more 
secure within the woods. Here lay concealed many companies 
of foot, who had prostrated themselves upon the ground. 
Meanwhile the Pirates made their descent at leisure, and began 
to enter among the trees, scarce suspecting any harm to be 
there, where the horsemen could do no service. But no sooner 
were they fallen into this ambuscade than the Spaniards 
arose with great fury, and assaulted the French so courageously 
that in a short while they destroyed great part of them. 
And, thus leaving great numbers of dead on the place, the rest 
with difficulty escaped by retreating in all haste unto their 

Monsieur Ogeron, although he escaped this danger, yet 
could willingly have perished in the fight rather than suffer 
the shame and confusion the unfortunate success of this 
enterprize was likely to bring upon his reputation, especially 
considering that those whom he had attempted to set at 
liberty were now cast into greater miseries through this mis- 


fortune. Hereupon they hastened to set sail, and go back 
unto Tortuga the same way they came, with great confusion 
in their minds, much diminished in their number, and nothing 
laden with those spoils the hopes whereof had possessed their 
hearts and caused them readily to follow the promises of 
unfortunate Monsieur Ogeron. The Spaniards were very 
vigilant, and kept their posts nigh unto the sea-side till such 
time as the fleet of Pirates was totally out of sight. In the 
meanwhile they made an end of killing such of their enemies 
as being desperately wounded could not escape by flight. 
Tn like manner they cut off several limbs from the dead bodies, 
with design to show them to the former prisoners, for whose 
redemption these others had crossed the seas. 

_. The fleet, being departed, the Spaniards kindled bonfires 
all over the island, and made great demonstrations of joy for 
the victory they had obtained. But the French prisoners 
who were there before had more hardship showed them from 
that day than ever. Of their misery and misusage was a good 
eye-witness, Jacob Binkes, Governor at that time in America 
for the States-General of the United Provinces. For he hap- 
pened to arrive in that conjuncture at the island of Porto 
Rico, with some men-of-war, to buy provisions and other 
necessaries for his fleet. His compassion on their misery was 
such as caused him to bring away by stealth five or six of the 
said prisoners, which served only to exasperate the minds of 
the Spaniards. For soon after they sent the rest of the 
prisoners to the chief city of the island, there to work and toil 
about the fortifications which then were making, forcing them 
to bring and carry stones and all sorts of materials belonging 
thereunto. These being finished, the Governor transported 
them unto Havana, where they employed them in like manner, 
in fortifying that city. Here they caused them to work in the 
day-time, and by night they shut them up as close prisoners, 
fearing lest they should enterprize upon the city. For of such 
attempts the Spaniards had had divers proofs on other occa- 
sions, which afforded them sufficient cause to use them after 
that manner. 

Afterwards at several times, wherein ships arrived there 
from New Spain, they transported them by degrees into 
Europe, and landed them at the city of Cadiz. But notwith- 
standing this care of the Spaniards to disperse them, they soon 


after met almost all together in France, and resolved among 
themselves to return again unto Tortuga with the first oppor- 
tunity [that] should proffer. To this effect, they assisted one 
another very lovingly with what necessaries they could spare, 
according to every one’s condition ; so that in a short while 
the greatest part of those Pirates had nested themselves again 
at Tortuga, their common place of rendezvous. Here, some 
time after, they equipped again a new fleet, to revenge their 
former misfortunes on the Spaniards, under the conduct of 
one Le Sieur Maintenon, a Frenchman by nation. With this 
fleet he arrived at the island of Trinidad, situated between 
the isle of Tobago and the neighbouring coasts of Paria. 
This island they sacked, and afterwards put to the ransom 
of 10,000 pieces-of-eight. Hence they departed, with design 
to take and pillage the city of Caracas, seated over against 
the island of Curacao, belonging to the Hollanders. 


A relation of what encounters lately happened at the islands of 
Cayana and Tobago between the Count de Estres, Admiral 
of France, in America, and the Heer Jacob Binkes, Vice- 
Admiral of the United Provinces, in the same parts 

It is a thing already known unto the greatest part of Europe 
that the Prince of Courland began to establish a colony in 
the island of Tobago; as, also, that, somewhile after, his 
people, for want of timely recruits from their own country, 
abandoned the said island, leaving it to the first that should 
come and possessit. Thus it fell into the hands of the Heers 
Adrian and Cornelius Lampsius, natives of the city of Flushing, 
in the province of Zeeland. For, being arrived at the said 
island of Tobago, in the year 1654, they undertook to fortify 
it by command of their sovereigns, the States-General. Here- 
upon they built a goodly castle, in a convenient situation, 
capable of hindering the assaults of any enemies that might 
enterprize upon the island. 

The strength of this castle was afterwards sufficiently tried by 
Monsieur de Estres, as I shall presently relate, after I have first 
told you what happened before at Cayana in the year 1676. 
This year the States-General of the United Provinces sent 
their Vice-Admiral, Jacob Binkes, unto the island of Cayana, 
then in possession of the French, for to retake the said island, 
and hereby restore it unto the dominions of the United Pro- 
vinces aforementioned. With these orders he set forth from 
Holland on the 16th day of March in the said year, his fleet 
consisting of seven men-of-war, one fireship, and five other 
small vessels of less account. This fleet arrived at Cayana 
the 4th day of the month of May next following. Immediately 
after their arrival, the Heer Binkes landed nine-hundred men, 
who, approaching the castle, summoned the Governor to 



surrender at their discretion. His answer was: He thought 
of nothing less than surrendering, but that he and his people 
were resolved to defend themselves, even to the utmost of their 
endeavours. The Heer Binkes, having received this answer, 
presently commanded his troops to attack the castle on both 
sides at once. The assault was very furious. But at length 
the French, being few in number and overwhelmed with the 
multitude of their enemies, surrendered both their arms and 
the castle. In it were found thirty-seven pieces of cannon. 
The Governor, who was named Monsieur Lesi, together with 
two priests were sent into Holland. The Heer Binkes lost in 
the combat 14 men only, and had 72 wounded. 

The King of France no sooner understood this success but 
he sent in the month of October following the Count de Estres, 
for to retake the said island again from the Hollanders. He 
arrived there in the month of December with a squadron of 
men-of-war, all very well equipped and provided. Being come 
on his voyage as far as the river called Aperovaco, he met there 
with a small vessel of Nantes, which had set forth from the 
said island of Cayana but a fortnight before. This ship gave 
him intelligence of the present state and condition wherein 
he might be certain to find the Hollanders at Cayana. They 
told him there were 300 men in the castle; that all about it 
they had fixed strong palisades, or empalements ; and that 
within the castle were mounted 26 pieces of cannon. 

Monsieur de Estres, being enabled with this intelligence to 
take his own measures, proceeded on his voyage, and arrived 
at a port of the said island 3 leagues distant from the castle. 
Here he landed 800 men, whom he divided into two several 
parties. The one he placed under the conduct of the Count 
de Blinac, and the other he gave unto Monsieur de St Faucher. 
On board the fleet he left Monsieur Gabaret, with divers other 
principal troops which he thought not fit or necessary to be 
landed. Assoonas the men were set on shore, the fleet weighed 
anchor, and sailed very slowly towards the castle, while the 
soldiers marched by land. These could not travel otherwise 
than by night by reason of the excessive heat of the sun 
and intolerable exhalations of the earth, which here is very 
sulphurous, and consequently no better than a smoky and 
stinking oven. 

On the 19th day of the said month the Count de Estres 


sent Monsieur de Lesi (who had been Governor of the island, 
as was said before), demanding of them, to deliver the castle 
unto the obedience of the King, his master, and to him in his 
sovereign’s name. But those who were within resolved not 
to deliver-themselves up but at the expense of their lives and 
blood, which answer they sent unto Monsieur de Estres. 
Hereupon the French, the following night, assaulted and 
stormed the castle on seven several sides thereof all at once. 
The defendants, having performed their obligation very stoutly, 
and fought with as much valour as was possible, were at 
last forced to surrender. Within the castle were found 38 
persons dead, besides many others that were wounded. All 
the prisoners were transported into France, where they were 
used with great hardship. 

Monsieur de Estres, having put all things in good order at 
the isle of Cayana, departed thence for that of Martinique. 
Being arrived at the said island, he was told that the Heer 
Binkes was at that present at the island of Tobago and his 
fleet lay at anchor in the bay. Having received this intelli- 
gence, Monsieur de Estres made no long stay there, but set 
sail again, steering his course directly for Tobago. No sooner 
was he come nigh unto the island but Vice-Admiral Binkes 
sent his land-forces, together with a good number of mariners, 
on shore, to manage and defend the artillery that was there. 
These forces were commanded by the Captains Van der Graef, 
Van Dongen and Ciavone, who laboured very hard all that 
night in raising certain batteries and filling up the palisades, 
or empalements, of the fortress called Sterreschans. 

Two days after, the French fleet came to an anchor in the Bay 
of Palmit, and immediately, with the help of eighteen boats, 
they landed all their men. The Heer Binkes, perceiving the 
French to appear upon the hills, gave orders to burn all the 
houses that were nigh unto the castle, to the intent the French 
might have no place to shelter themselves thereabouts. On 
the 23rd day of February Monsieur de Estres sent a drum over 
to the Hollanders to demand the surrender of the fort, which 
was absolutely denied. In this posture of affairs things con- 
tinued until the 3rd of March. On this day the French fleet 
came with full sail, and engaged the Dutch fleet. The Heer 
Binkes presently encountered them, and the dispute was very 
hot on both sides. In the meanwhile the land-forces belonging 


to the French, being sheltered by the thickness of the woods, 
advanced towards the castle, and began to storm it very 
briskly with more than ordinary force, but were repulsed by 
the Dutch with such vigour as caused them after three dis- 
tinct attacks to retire with the loss of above 150 men, and 
200 wounded. These they carried off, or rather dragged away, 
with no small difficulty, by reason of their disorderly retreat. 

All this while the two fleets continued the combat, and 
fought very desperately, until that on both sides some ships 
were consumed between Vulcan and Neptune. Of this number 
was Monsieur de Estres’ own ship, mounted with 27 guns of 
prodigious bigness, besides other pieces of lesser port. The 
battle continued from break of day until the evening; a 
little before which time Monsieur de Estres quitted the bay 
with the rest of his ships, unto the Hollanders, excepting only 
two, which were stranded under sail, as having gone too high 
within the port. Finally the victory remained on the side 
of the Hollanders, howbeit with the loss of several of their 
ships that were burnt. 

Monsieur de Estres, finding himself under the shame of 
the loss of this victory, and that he could expect no advantage 
for that present over the island of Tobago, set sail from those 
quarters the 18th day of March, and arrived the 21st day of 
June next following at the port of Brest in France. Having 
given an account of these transactions to his most Christian 
Majesty, he was pleased to command him to undertake again 
the enterprize of Tobago. Unto this effect, he gave orders 
for eight great men-of-war to be equipped with all speed, 
together with eight others of smaller account : with all which 
vessels he sent again Monsieur de Estres into America the 
same year. He set sail from the said port of Brest on the 3rd 
day of October following, and arrived the 1st of December at 
the island of Barbados. Afterwards, having received some 
recruits from the isle of Martinique, he sent beforehand to 
review the island of Tobago, and consider the condition there- 
of. This being done, he weighed anchor and set sail directly 
for the said island, where he arrived the 7th day of the said 
month of December with all his fleet. 

Immediately after his arrival he landed 500 men, under the 
conduct of Monsieur de Blinac, Governor of the French islands 
in America. These were followed soon after by 1000 more, 


The 9th day of the said month they approached within 600. 
paces of a certain post called Le Cort, where they landed all 
the artillery designed for this enterprize. On the roth day 
Monsieur de Estres went in person to take a view of the castle, 
and demanded of the Heer Binkes, by a messenger, the sur- 
render thereof, which was generously denied. The next day 
the French began to advance towards the castle, and on the 
12th of the said month the Dutch from within began to fire 
at them with great perseverance. The French made a begin- 
ning to their attack by casting fire-balls into the castle with 
main violence. The very third ball that was cast in happened 
to fall in the path-way that led to the storehouse where the 
powder and ammunition was kept belonging to the castle. 
In this path was much powder scattered up and down, through 
the negligence of those that carried it to and fro for the neces- 
sary supplies of the defendants. By this means the powder 
took fire in the path, and thence ran in a moment as far as 
the storehouse above-mentioned ; so that suddenly both the 
storehouse was blown up, and with it Vice-Admiral Binkes 
himself, then Governor of the island, and all his officers. 
Only Captain Van Dongen remained alive. This mischance 
being perceived by the French, they instantly ran with 500 
men, and possessed themselves of the castle. Here they 
found 300 men alive, whom they took prisoners and trans- 
ported into France. Monsieur de Estres after this com- 
manded the castle to be demolished, together with other 
posts that might serve for any defence, as also all the houses 
standing upon the island. This being done, he departed 
thence the 27th day of the said month of December, and 
arrived again in France after a prosperous voyage. 


Adventures of Captain Cook, in the year 1678. He is taken by 
the Spaniards. Bold exploits, and revenge of his losses, 
performed by some few Buccaneers that were on board his 

In the year 1678 Captain Cook, who followed the trade of 
the West Indies and our several plantations there, happened 
to go into the Bay of Campeche, there to load his vessel with 
logwood, as many others had done before. The forests about 
Campeche are a certain place adjoining to the Bay of Mexico, 
unto which for many years the Buccaneers have usually 
resorted to cut wood for the art of dyeing, and prepare hides 
for shoe-leather, and other uses, towards the lading of several 
ships that from all parts frequent the forementioned Bay, to 
trade with them. After he had taken in his lading, having 
also some of the Buccaneers aboard his vessel, he set sail for 
the island of Tobago, at which place he was to deliver his 
cargo ; but his fortune was to fall somewhat short, or leeward, 
in the phrase of the mariners, of his desired and intended port. 
Hereupon he came to anchor at the West end of a certain 
island called Rubia, whereof mention has been already made 
in the preceding history of the Buccaneers. 

Here Captain Cook had not lain long at anchor, expecting 
a wind for the prosecution of his voyage, when he was unex- 
pectedly surprized and taken by three Spanish men-of-war. 
These, having possessed themselves of his ship and cargo, 
presently after set both him and his companions ashore 
upon the aforesaid island. Here therefore being landed, they 
found a Dutch Governor or officer, with six men in his retinue, 
who were only settled there to purchase provisions for their 
vessels that should happen to touch in those parts. 



Our English had not been long on this island but there hap- 
pened to come into the road a Spanish boat, equipped with 
sixteen or eighteen men and laden with coconuts (whereof 
chocolate is made) and plate. The Buccaneers immediately 
put it into the thoughts of Captain Cook to make reprizal 
upon the countrymen of those who had so lately stripped them 
of all they had: he approving of their proposals, in order 
thereunto they acquainted the Governor’s man with their 
intentions, and withal desired him, under promise of a good 
reward, to lend them a small number of fusees, or guns, where- 
with to put these their designs into execution. The Governor 
and his men, hearing the promise of so great a reward, were 
easily persuaded to accommodate them with arms at their 
request : six men, therefore, of the Buccaneers, being thus 
resolved and fitted with arms, placed themselves in ambuscade 
about that part of the island where the boat of the Spanish 
sloop was to come ashore. The boat happening to land there- 
abouts in a small time after, as they desired, they immediately 
set upon the men, and took them prisoners. Having bound 
them fast upon the strand, they seized the boat and embarked 
therein with resolution to take the vessel it belonged unto, 
which they performed in this manner : two of them they 
appointed among themselves to row the boat; two more 
to charge their guns ; and the remaining couple were to fire 
into the Spanish bark as briskly as they could pour in their 
shot. In this posture they rowed in the wake, under the stern 
of the said vessel. The Spaniards on board soon perceived 
they were not to expect their own men again but enemies in 
lieu of them. Therewith immediately they put themselves 
into the posture of defence, and began to handle their arms. 
But this they performed so unfortunately on their side, or 
rather fortunately for the English, that the Buccaneers killed 
the padre, or priest, they had on board, and the Captain or 
Master of the vessel likewise ; whereupon the rest surrendered 
themselves by throwing their arms overboard and craving 
quarter for their lives. Thus at the same time they made 
themselves masters of the vessel and restitution of their former 

Here, in the first place, they gave the Dutch Governor out 
of their gains a considerable present ; and his chief man they © 
rewarded very liberally for the loan of the arms aforemen- 


tioned. In the next, they assigned unto Captain Cook a valu- 
able consideration for his losses, and likewise something unto 
each, and every one of the mariners that belonged to his ship. 
After which, the Buccaneers (for these were the chief, or 
rather only, men concerned in this attempt) divided among 
themselves nigh four-hundred pound to each, both in goods 
and plate. Thus they set sail from the isle of Rubia in the same 
Spanish bark they had taken, and arrived in few days after 
at Jamaica, where they took out her lading, and afterwards 
set fire unto the bottom, as being unfit for their purpose. 
Here they paid the Governor his duties, and embarked them- 
selves with their goods for England, where some of them live 
in good reputation unto this day. Yet their names are desired 
to be concealed in this place, this action resenting too much 
of self-justice, or petite piracy, which is a term they themselves 
have given unto it. 

— ee - r oh ~~ Sl 
2 ih m 
pe ee ee ee ener 


spose ae Vanes 


fA brief account of Captain Sharp and other his companions ; 
their voyage from Jamaica unto the province of Darien and 
South Sea ; with the robberies and assaults they committed 
there for the space of three years, till their return for England 
in the year 1682. Given by one of the Buccaneers who was 
present at those transactions 

WE set sail from Port Royal, upon the island of Jamaica, 
in the year of our Lord 1679. /Our fleet consisted of five sail 
of ships, whereof the chief Commanders were named Captain 
Coxon, Cornelius Essex, Robert Allison, John Rose, and 
Captain Sharp. The first port we went unto was Port Moranto. 
Hence we steered our course directly for the coast of Cartagena, 
or rather for the islands of Pines, commonly called De los 
Pinos, not far distant from that coast. At these islands we 
victualled our ships, as at other times has been done by other 
men of the like trade. But in this passage from Port Moranto 
unto the Pine Islands we had the misfortune to lose, by stress 
of weather, two of our number of vessels, to wit Captain Sharp 
and Cornelius Essex, who both separated from us in a storm. 
However, having taken in what provision of victuals we 
thought necessary, we steered thence towards the island 
called Fuerte, or Forta. Being upon this course about the 
middle of the islands called Zavallos, or Zambullos, we hap- 
pened to meet with a French man-of-war, who was mounted 
with eight guns, and who kept in our company for some days. 
His commission was but for a small space of time—only for 
three months. We shewed him our commission, which was 
now for three years to come. This we had purchased at a 
cheap rate, having given for it only the sum of ten ducats, 
or pieces-of-eight. But the truth of the thing was that at 
first our commission was made only for the space of three 

s 257 


months, the same date as the Frenchman’s was; whereas 
among ourselves we had contrived to make it last for three 
years—for with this we were resolved to seek our fortunes. 
Having ranged for some while up and down the islands, 
which in those seas are pretty frequent, and finding nothing 
that could give us satisfaction, we at last resolved to attempt 
Porto Bello, which formerly had been taken and sacked by 
Sir Henry Morgan, and others, both English and French, 
hoping his fortune would favour our arms, and that we should 
bring away no less booty than he had done before. Unto 
this effect we thought it convenient to leave our ships at 
certain islands not far distant from Porto Bello, and put our 
men into fourteen or fifteen canoes, which we had taken for 
that purpose. With these we landed at a considerable distance 
from the town and port, and were constrained, after landing, 
to travel three whole nights before we could reach the place. 
By day we concealed ourselves in the woods and took our 
rest, for then we dared not to travel, fearing lest we should 
be discovered by the Spaniards, our mortal enemies, whom 
we intended to plunder: yet, notwithstanding, all the care 
we could possibly take, we were at last, before we came to 
the town, discovered by a negro, who ran before us unto the 
place and gave intelligence of our coming. Hereupon, per- 
ceiving we were descried, we hastened our march after his 
steps as fast as we could, and got into the town before he could 
raise the citizens or any considerable body of defence could 
be formed against us. Thus we possessed ourselves of the city 
without any considerable loss on our side, and plundered all 
we could find in the houses and elsewhere. Our stay here 
was but short, for fear lest the enemy should rally against 
us or pour in the country upon our small forces and thus 
intercept our retreat—especially as we had left our ships at 
the islands above-mentioned and were masters of only a few 
canoes to convey us over the seas unto them. Having been 
therefore in possession of the town the space of two days and 
two nights, we resolved to quit it and return unto our ships. 
We divided amongst us, out of the booty, about forty pound 
sterling to each man, beside what extraordinary shares 
were drawn by our officers, the owners of the vessels, carpen- 
ters, surgeons, and those who lost any limbs, or were killed 
in this expedition, according to the customary laws of the 


Buccaneers, which are described in the History of these people 
but lately printed. In this exploit of taking the town of Porto 
Bello our number was not above that of 200 men, the residue 
being left behind to man and defend our ships. Yet, notwith- 
standing, these who guarded the ships had their shares equally 
distributed unto them, as well as those who went on shore. 
In all our whole number might consist of 300 fighting-men, 
which we brought out from Jamaica with us—not many more, 
if I well remember: which point I forgot to tell you at the 
beginning of this relation. 

Being returned on board our ships, we cruized to and fro 
for some days, hoping to find some other purchase by sea, as 
we had done by land. But nothing could we meet withal 
that would stay our thirst and hunger after more prey: only, 
being upon a certain tack, we happened to meet with a Span- 
ish barco de avifo, or packet-boat, which was called St Rose, 
mounted only with six guns, and which was bound for Spain, 
or from there to the West Indies, with letters and intelligence 
concerning the galleons, or flota, and other State affairs, as 
they are usually sent every year by the Catholic King unto his 
Viceroys, or Governors, in those parts, or else by them unto 
His Majesty, upon the aforesaid account. This little ship, 
therefore, we immediately set upon and took, but found not 
so much in her as would answer our expectations. Neither 
the letters they had on board could we reach, from which we 
might possibly have learned something which would have 
pleased our fancies or flattered our hopes for some while ; 
for the Spaniards cast them into the sea, when they saw them- 
selves in danger of being taken, before we could possess our- 
selves of the vessel ; which was done according to the strict 
and almost inviolable orders the Captains of these packet 
boats, or navios de avifo (for so they are also named), that is 
packet-ships, do constantly receive from the King of Spain ; 
unto which effect also they take an oath, viz. to cast their 
letters overboard, and not deliver them up to any enemy 
whatsoever. Conformable to this point, all the Captains of 
the galleons belonging likewise are solemnly sworn to sink, 
burn, or otherwise to destroy their ships rather than permit 
them to be taken by an enemy, for fear of enriching him not 
so much with those their great vessels as with the treasure 
they bring home. 


After taking the packet-boat before-mentioned, perceiving 
our vessels to be foul, we steered our course for Boca del Toro, 
there to careen our ships. This place is already mentioned 
in the History of the Buccaneers, and is often frequented by 
Pirates for the same purpose. Here we met with Captain 
Peter Harris, in a Dutch ship of thirty-two guns, and also 
with Captain Richard Sawkins, who was in a small brigantine 
mounted with only four guns. Both these ships had put in 
there either to careen or refresh themselves with water and 
other provisions. 

Having cleansed and careened our bottoms to our satisfac- 
tion, we afterwards cruized again for some while, in hopes of 
finding some such purchase as we most desired. But, being frus- 
trated of our expectations, at last we resolved to quit again 
our ships and land on the coast of Darien, thinking there to 
find what we so long had sought for—or at least [to] plunder 
and pillage some towns belonging to that coast. This resolu- 
tion therefore we presently put in execution; and, standing 
over towards the land of Darien, we soon after went on shore 
there, and began to range up and down the woods, designing 
to take some prisoners who might serve us with intelligence 
and be our guides, as being totally ignorant of the country. 
Here we found an Indian that could speak Spanish, whom 
therefore we examined very strictly, where the gold and silver 
of that country did lie; for we had heard that both these 
coveted metals were digged out or found in some parts of 
that province by the Spaniards. He told us that not far 
distant from there there was a place called Tocamora (for so 
it was named), which was the receptacle-town of all the gold 
that was found in those parts, saying often unto us in the 
Spanish language, and repeating these words, mucho oro ay 
en Tocamora, that is a great deal of gold lieth at Tocamora, and 
that he would guide us unto it. With these promises we were 
infinitely encouraged, and resolved not to return unto our ships 
until such time as we had made some considerable booty, at 
least sufficient for one voyage, to satisfy our earnest appetite 
for gold. We landed in Darien, according to what I can best 
remember, either about the latter end of March or the begin- 
ning of April, in the year 1680, when began the chiefest and 
hardest of our adventures both by land and sea—those I have 
rehearsed being only the preludiums of such as were to follow. 


By the way, as we marched towards Tocamora under the 
conduct of our Indian, we took other prisoners, and learned 
from them other things. That the Indians of that country 
hated mortally the Spaniards and were at enmity with them : 
that they had a chief Captain, or leader, whom they styled 
Emperor, and who would be glad of our assistance against 
the Spaniards, by whom he had been much wronged, and was 
therefore with them in open and continual war. That, in 
recompense of our service, he would certainly lead us unto 
those places where most gold and silver was to be had, these 
being unjustly detailed from him, and where it was but fighting 
for it, and having more than we should be able to carry away. 
These allurements put our minds upon new designs, and were 
sufficient to entice us to present our auxiliary service unto the 
Emperor of that country, as judging it more convenient to 
be put in possession, or rather led unto those so vastly rich 
places, by the Emperor and the Indians themselves than to 
have both Indians and Spaniards all at once against us ; 
especially in a foreign country where we knew not one step 
of the way. 

Thus, after an intercourse of some few messengers who 
were sent to and fro, we came at last (not to be too tedious in 
the narrative) unto a view and amicable parley with the 
Emperor himself in person, who readily accepted of our ser- 
vice and promised himself great matters from our aid and 
assistance against the Spaniards. He failed not to promise 
us great heaps of gold, would we but fight courageously 
under his conduct, and regain those places from the Spaniards 
where they were most certainly to be found. These things 
we easily believed as feasible, and therefore as readily did 
embrace his propositions ; yet, should we fail of our designs, 
we had still other things under consideration, which might in 
great probability be as profitable and turn to the same account. 
The sum of these was to descend by the river of Darien, or 
any other, into the South Sea, and there to rove up and down 
until such time as we could meet any rich prize, or galleon 
coming from Lima to Panama, or else to plunder again either 
the city of Panama or any other of so many rich towns and 
villages are known to border upon the coasts of that-sea. 
As for shipping, though we had it not at present, yet we feared 
not to obtain it by the help of those canoes we should employ 


. to carry us down the river. After which, we considered it 
would be no great difficulty to return homewards, either round 
about the Strait of Magellan, which navigation, though diffi- 
cult, had been performed by others, or through the same 
country of Darien, where we were at present. Thus we 
engaged, about the number of 300 men, in the service of this 
Indian Emperor, whom we took for our leader, in company 
of many others of his own subjects, who were to back our 
designs, as we intended to lead the van of most attempts. 
The name of this Emperor aforementioned was Andreas, 
from which we guessed that some footsteps of Christianity 
had been planted in his country by the Spaniards, and that 
either he or his ancestors had been by them baptized, though 
at present they seemed to regard but little what belonged 
unto Christian religion. He had also a son, whose name was 
Augustin, and unto whom we made bold, among ourselves, 
_ to give the name of King Golden-Cap, from a certain cap, 
or hat, of pure and massive gold which he had then upon 
his head when first we saw him. 

The first enterprize which the said Emperor propounded 
unto us was to take the town of Santa Maria, situated pretty 
near unto the Southern Sea and at the distance of several 
days journey from the place where these things were agreed 
upon. This town, as it was said, had been taken from the 
Emperor by the covetous Spaniard, and was reported to be 
hugely rich in dust of gold, which there was gathered in great 
quantity out of the river that runs through the country. 
Here was a fort and a town pretty well garrisoned, as having 
between both about 400 Spaniards for their defence and to 
guard the treasure which there was lodged of gold-dust, as 
has been said. We marched, therefore, in company of the 
Emperor Andreas (who always went before us, and encouraged 
our men wherever they fought) the space of three days journey, 
to meet his son King Golden-Cap at his own habitation, 
or palace, lying in our way, he being to join with us in this 
expedition. He entertained us very nobly at this palace for 
a day or two, and sent us also presents of victuals to meet 
us by the way, having heard of our coming. Thence we de- 
parted with our entire little camp, the Emperor, and his son, 
in quest of the town of Santa Maria, as yet distant from there 
no less than four or five days journey. After several fatigues 


sustained by the way, together with the loss of some of our 
canoes by the downfalls of the rivers, and trees likewise which 
the Spaniards had cast therein to hinder our passage, we 
arrived by. night within two or three miles of Santa Maria, 
and there reposed ourselves in the woods until the next 

Day being come, we marched towards the town, and gave 
the assault unto the place and fort : both which we carried, 
or possessed ourselves of, with no great difficulty and an incon- 
siderable loss on our side, consisting only of three men, though 
several others were wounded. Of the Spaniards we killed 
and wounded above 100. The fort was encompassed with 
palisades, called also by the Spaniards estacadas or huge 
strong and thick pales of wood. Having taken the fort 
and town, and examined our prisoners very severely concern- 
ing the treasure we there expected to find, all that we got 
out of them was very inconsiderable, in view of the huge 
expectations we had conceived in our minds. For the Spani- 
ards, having timely notice of our march, had conveyed away 
unto remoter places, towards Panama, some few days before, 
all that was valuable upon the place ; so that our disappoint- 
ment here in this particular was very great, and all that ever 
we could rob and pillage, either in the town or fort, scarce 
amounted unto twenty pound weight of gold and some small 
quantity of silver. 

Our stay here at Santa Maria was but short, not above 
the space of two days, our resolutions being to seek revenge 
for the huge loss, or rather disappointment, we had sustained 
of our vast expectations. We had here intelligence given us 
of some mine or mines of gold that were somewhere to be found 
farther on about this place, called St Maries River, but whether 
it might prove to be worth our time and labour to go seek 
them (especially considering we knew how not to come at the 
gold when we should find them out, and that the Spaniards and 
miners, or slaves, would be all fled, transporting with them 
what was already digged out) we could not easily determine. 
Hereupon we all unanimously agreed to visit the South Sea, 
unto which we were already very near, in those canoes we had 
brought with us, which were sufficient for our number, con- 
cluding either to attack Panama and ransack it anew, as 
Sir Henry Morgan had done before us, or at least that we 


should meet with some considerable prize in that Sea where 
ships do navigate so quietly and but few pirates were ever seen. 

Thus, having taken in what provisions we thought necessary, 
we fell down the river in our canoes, taking the opportunity 
of the tide, and arrived the next day-at the mouth of the 
river in sight of the South Sea. Here we were all in danger 
of being lost with our canoes, the wind blowing extremely 
hard and causing a violent storm, which overwhelmed one 
of our canoes with seven or eight men, who had all inevit- 
ably perished had they not been taken up with the utmost 
extremity of danger of others who ventured their lives to 
save them. This river we went down into the South Sea 
I think was called Darien, though I cannot be very positive 
herein. Being now come into the Pacific, or South Sea, we 
sailed, or rowed, along the shore towards Panama, which is 
not far distant from the mouth of the river, where we disem- 
bogued!, touching at several places or little islands in our 
way to take in water or search for provisions for our fleet of 
canoes. All this while we had in our company the Emperor 
and his son Golden-Cap, together with the Indians they 
brought into the field, so that we were a pretty considerable 
fleet of fisher-boats or canoes: each canoe had six, eight, or 
ten men on board, yea some had fourteen and more. At 
Plantin Isle, which isle lies between the mouth of the river 
we came out at and Panama, we seized a Spanish bark, which 
had a considerable number of men on board her, I believe 
above 100, but nothing else that was worth our acceptance. 
This vessel we took in hopes of a good prize, and withal to 
mend ourselves in shipping, for this was now the biggest 
bottom we had. 

By this time those of Panama had received advice of our 
adventures at Santa Maria, as also of our coming into the 
South Sea either in quest of that city or of some other hazard- 
ous attempt. They were, therefore, infinitely alarmed at 
these news, and in great haste had thrust out to sea three 
or four small vessels or barks, though withal pretty well 
manned, which they called La Armadilla, or The Little Fleet, 
out of design to guard their coasts and oppose our attempts. 
Thus the very next day we came into the South Sea one of 
these barks belonging to the Armadilla came up with us, 

1 See note 2 on p. 309. 


and very briskly fired at our fleet, as if they would fight us 
all; but soon tacked about and bid us adieu, having killed 
[of] us one man and wounded six or seven more. Two days 
after we met with three more of these barks belonging to the 
Armadilla of Panama, whereof the one had on board, as well 
as I can remember, 90 men; another had fourscore; and 
the third threescore and five. These small men-of-war met 
with us at a great disadvantage, for that morning we had 
sent away the Spanish bark which we had taken at Plantin 
Isle, to seek for fresh water at some places, we having been 
disappointed of it where we had sought for it before; and, 
to the intent she might go the safer and peradventure bring 
us some good purchase by the way, we had put on board her 
above 100 of our best men: so that what bottoms we had 
left were only canoes, and in them not above 200 good fighting- 
men, for of the Indians we made no great account, as wanting 
both our arms and experience to manage them. The Arma- 
dilla came up with full sail unto us, and engaged us very stoutly, 
thinking to take or destroy every canoe in our fleet ; but we, 
knowing scarce any quarter could be expected at their hands 
especially in those seas, were resolved never to surrender, 
and do the utmost of our endeavour to destroy them or make 
them fly. Thus, after the first volleys of shot, we presently 
encompassed one of these little men-of-war with our canoes, 
and as desperately ran him aboard with sword and pistol 
in hand, causing him suddenly to surrender. Being in posses- 
sion of him, we took another of their small number, and forced 
the third to fly away towards the town of Panama with all 
the sail he could make: this rencounter, or engagement, 
though but short, yet was very bloody—especially on the 
Spaniards’ side—and sharp ; for in it we had a dozen of our 
men killed outright, and almost forty who were desperately 
wounded. How many the Spaniards lost or had wounded 
among them we could not learn—especially in the third 
vessel, which fought us all along very briskly and stood close 
to it for a good while even after the other two were taken ; 
so that we could not do otherwise than commend the courage 
of those Spaniards. 

The Armadilla being destroyed, we proceeded to the road 
of Panama, which we instantly blocked up with our canoes 
and other vessels, which now were three or four. Here in 


the harbour, and at the mouth thereof, we took five or six 
vessels more, or rather ships, between great and small—but 
no great booty in them: amongst these only was one, called 
La Trinidad, or The Blessed Trinity, which was a ship of 
four-hundred tons and in which we found about threescore- 
thousand pieces-of-eight, that were sent to pay the garrison 
of the town or for some other effect. In this ship, being a 
good, strong and tight vessel, we came afterwards for England. 
The dividend of this prize amounted unto above 240 pieces- 
of-eight to each man; yet had we good fortune in not being 
disappointed of this purchase, as we had been oftentimes 
before in other adventures; for though we had blocked 
up the mouth of the road, and lay, as I have said, before 
Panama, yet this ship gave us the slip, and got into the har- 
bour in the dark of the night both unseen and unknown to 
us. However, we having intelligence thereof, entered the 
harbour when they thought themselves in safety, and had 
the good luck to seize and make a prize of her, though not 
without some small loss of men. Both in this and other skir- 
mishes we lost in all before Panama 40 men, and had about 
50 more wounded ; so that now our small number was almost, 
if not quite, reduced unto two-third parts thereof. The 
wounded we all put into one vessel, which we appointed to be 
the hospital of our fleet, and the other vessels we manned as 
well as our number would afford to do it. After having stayed 
some days before Panama and blocked up the road, we weighed 
anchor, and went unto a little island named Tobago, there 
to provide ourselves with several necessaries, which were at 
that instant something scarce with us. As for the town of 
Panama itself, we dared not to attempt it with so small a 
number of men, they being well provided to give us a hot 
reception: only once we landed 150 men, which were as 
many as we could well spare from manning and defending our 
fleet of canoes and ships; but found we could do no good 
against the town, being repulsed with some damage, which 
notwithstanding we made a good retreat unto our fleet. 
Being almost ready to raise the blockade of Panama, 
Captain John Coxon (or Croxen) began to vary in his resolu- 
tions, and at last openly to mutiny against the rest of the 
Company: the effect hereof was that he departed from us 
and returned back with the Emperor and his son King Golden- 


Cap and all the Indians and canoes they had brought with 
them, carrying also with him 50 of our English company and 
the best surgeon of the fleet, who belonged unto him and who 
would not go without his instruments to work withal, that is 
to say the medicaments, which we very much wanted for our 
wounded men. What medicines he left behind were not con- 
siderable in comparison of what he carried away ; but this 
point we knew not till afterwards, or we should have torn in 
pieces the said surgeon and his master rather than have parted 
with those things of which we had so much necessity. This 
piece of dishonesty of Captain Coxon weakened much our 
forces and diminished in great measure our number ; for, had 
he taken care of or carried away our wounded men, we should 
not much have resented his departure, the Indians being of no 
- considerable help unto us. But here, that he may be known, 
I will not omit to tell you that the chief occasion of his grudge 
against us was because we reproached him for his ill-behaviour 
in the engagement we had with the Armadilla of Panama ; for 
in that dangerous action, to speak it all in a word, he shewed 
himself more like a coward than one of our profession, that is 
to say a true Buccaneer. What adventures he and his com- 
pany met withal after they separated from us I cannot give 
any just account thereof ; only that as we learned afterwards 
he went back unto the mouth of the river, and over land much 
by the same way he had come before, till he came to the North 
Sea (where doubtless he found the ships we had left behind 
us), being civilly entertained all along by those Indians and 
the good Emperor Andreas and his son, though he had done 
them no great service—which sheweth the civility of those 
Indians, and what inclinations they had for us English rather 
than the Spaniards, their ancient masters. Thus we dis- 
engaged from the pretended service we had proffered unto 
that Emperor—I call it pretended, forasmuch as any one 
would easily guess that the real intent thereof was only to 
serve ourselves with gold and silver, and learn intelligence 
from those Indians where it was to be had, or, what is more 
obvious, to be led by them unto it—especially considering 
that, had we gone any other way about this matter, it might 
have cost us every one of our lives; for these Indians of 
Darien are very fierce withal, and are the same people that 
killed and tore in pieces that famous Buccaneer L’Ollonais 


(of whom you may read many notable exploits in the History 
of the Buccaneers) and many other of his companions, for 
landing upon and offering violence to their country and 
habitations. | 

But our constant resolutions were, not to go back nor return 
homewards until such time as we had made a diligent search 
into those Southern Seas, and freighted, if possible, our vessels 
with gold, or at least as much silver as they could carry : such 
vast expectations had we framed now unto ourselves, in the 
vain ideas of our minds. Captain Coxon, who commanded 
in chief, being separated or departed from us, we chose in his 
place Captain Sawkins and Captain Sharp to lead us, and were 
now reduced unto 200 men, whereof many, as was said before, 
lay dangerously wounded in the hospital-vessel. 

Having, therefore, refitted ourselves at the island of Tobago, 
which is situated over-against the road of Panama, we sailed 
thence about the middle of May, 1680, in quest of some other 
purchase or design, coasting the shore towards the Northern 
parts of America commonly called California. We persisted 
in our course the space of eight or ten days, in all which time 
nothing remarkable happened unto us ; till at the end thereof 
we arrived at the isles of Quiblo, where there is a town called 
by the Spaniards Puebla Nueva. 

Here we landed to seek provisions, and by the by to plunder 
what we could get ; but, the country being alarmed since our 
blocking up the road of Panama, they had put themselves into 
an indifferent good posture of defence, and hereupon watched 
for our coming, and were resolved to entertain us as warmly 
as they could. Captain Sawkins therefore, landing before the 
rest, as being a man of undaunted courage, and running up 
with a small party to some breast-works they had made before 
the town, was here unfortunately killed, more through his own 
temerity and the rashness of his conduct than any other cause. 
Those who followed could not possibly rescue him, as being 
not yet quite landed: besides him, two or three more were 
killed and five or six wounded, which caused the residue of 
those he had led up to retreat unto the waterside as fast as 
they could. Thus we were beaten off from the place, and got 
nothing but blows for our pains. 

But this disaster occasioned a second mutiny amongst our 
men: our Commanders were not thought to be leaders fit 


enough for such great and hard enterprizes. Now Captain 
Sharp was left in chief, and he was censured by many. The 
contest grew so hot and came to that degree that we divided 
again into parties, and about threescore-and-ten more of our 
men fell off from us, separated, and returned back overland, 
as Coxon and the others had done before. Others who com- 
manded vessels threw up their commissions (I can only name 
unto you Captain Cook for one), in whose room others were 
placed to command their ships. Thus all things were in great 
distraction, and our company decreased daily; yet others 
held constant to their resolutions, and were still determined 
to be buried in those seas rather than to return home without 
the gold they had fought for so long and through so many 
dangers. At the mouth of the river belonging to this place 
we surprised a bark, or great boat, which was laden with maize, 
or Indian wheat, which stood us in very good stead at that 
present ; for provisions now again began to grow somewhat 
scarce with us. Our Commander now was Captain Sharp, and 
our number was only of 130, or not quite 140. 

We sailed from Puebla Nueva, and steered our course for 
the islands called De los Galapagos, or in English Tortoise 
Islands, from the huge number of tortoises which there are to 
be found. These islands, which are seven or eight, all compre- 
hended under the same name, lie very close unto, if not under, 
the equinoctial line : there we intended to careen our vessels 
and seek more provisions ; but, the winds proving contrary 
for a long while, we could not reach them, and were con- 
strained to take up for the same purpose with another little 
island called Gorgona, where indifferent good accommodation 
was found for refitting our ships. Here we careened and got 
in provisions, staying here for these two intents above a month, 
so that it was towards the latter end of July before we departed 
thence. Three or four days after we set out from Gorgona we 
lost Captain Sharp in the dark of the night, and with him the 
best vessel we had, which was the Trinity, the same ship which 
we had taken out of the harbour of Panama. This loss occa- 
sioned sundry distractions in our minds, not knowing what 
would become of us after so many misfortunes : he was gone 
from us a whole fortnight or thereabouts ; neither had we any 
hopes of finding him any more, till at last, we happening to 
put in at Drake’s Isle to seek for provisions, he happily arrived 


there three days after, which caused in us infinite joy, he 
having the best vessel and stoutest men on board: yes, we 
had missed of him this time likewise, and perhaps for ever, 
had we not, by a misfortune of sinking our canoe, which was 
sent ashore, tarried there one day longer than we determined. 

Having sailed from Drake’s Isle, we arrived in seven or 
eight days after over against Guayaquil. Hereabouts, by 
night, we took a little Spanish man-of-war, like unto the vessel 
of the Armadilla of Panama ; who was come out from Guaya- 
quil, and in a true blue Spanish bravado had undertaken to 
take or destroy us with that little tool and only 30 or 40 men. 
The Captain’s name was Don Thomas de Argandona, of which 
name and family, as I am credibly informed, there have been 
several sea-commanders in this age who were both skilful and 
courageous men. The vessel we thought fit to sink, as being 
of no use unto us and wanting men to man her. In the fight 
we lost none of our men, and only three were wounded ; what 
the Spaniards lost I do not remember. The prisoners told us 
that some of our men who had deserted us at Puebla Nueva 
had landed in a bark not far from Guayaquil, and that all of 
them were killed by the inhabitants of an island where they 
landed, excepting one: what became of the rest, I have not 
yet learned. This was the occasion of fitting out this bark 
against us, little thinking perhaps that we had a ship of four- 
hundred ton under us, and only being persuaded they should 
meet with some such little bark or canoe as that was, whose 
men their neighbours had destroyed a little before. 

About a week or ten days after, we took another prize more 
valuable than the former: this was a ship of three-hundred 
ton called S¢ Petey, and was loaden with coco-nuts, broad- 
cloth, timber, and other goods, and was bound for Lima, which 
is the capital city of Peru. We took out of her what we most 
wanted, or thought fit for our designs, and, having cut down 
the main mast, let her go with all the prisoners we had, and 
most of the provisions that was on board her. This was about 
the beginning of September, 1680, as my notes tell me. 

Towards the latter end of October we descried the land of 
Arica, having sustained beforehand for many days infinite 
hunger and thirst. For provisions at length grew so scarce 
with us that we were allowed only five ounces of meal, and 
one pint of water to each man, the Captain himself having no 


more allowance than the rest: yea, at last, some were found 
among us who gave 30 pieces-of-eight for a pint of water, and 
very glad they were to get it, so near starving we were when 
we came to Arica. Here we could land no men, the sea was 
so big, which made us go to a port close by called He lo he. 

At this port we landed, and found some provisions, especially 
at a sugar-works not far distant thence. Here we refreshed, 
and feasted ourselves pretty well for three or four days. The 
Spaniards came unto us with a flag of truce, and promised to 
bring us in good store of beeves and hogs, as many as we de- 
manded, provided we would spare their imgenio de azucar, or 
sugar-works, and not pull it down ; which we promised to do. 
But, two days after, these treacherous Spaniards sent 300 
horsemen against us, instead of bringing the cattle, with full 
intent to destroy us if possibly they could. We drew out our 
men into a plain, and at the first volley killed several of them, 
which made them wheel about and instantly retire, though 
at first they came very fiercely against us. With this we re- 
tired to our vessels, knowing no more good was to be done 
there at that time, nor at Arica; for by this body of horse 
we perceived all the country was alarmed against us. 

From He lo he that day month we arrived at Coquimbo, 
upon which place we resolved to revenge our former affronts 
at Arica. Here we met with a body of 150 horse just at our 
landing, which always watch the bay ; who instantly set upon 
us with great fury, and made a circle about the first party of 
our men that were landed, thinking to make sure of our de- 
struction and cut us all in pieces. But we stood to our arms 
very courageously, killed and wounded several of them, and 
routed them soon, having only one man wounded on our side. 
We followed them close at their heels into the town, which 
we instantly took with no loss at all. This action was per- 
formed with only four-score men, a few more or less, and the 
first party that fought the horse were under 40. When we 
came into the town, we found it was of a considerable bigness, 
and had no less than eight or nine churches, which made us 
fear there were more inhabitants than we could master, as 
being so few in number that it were impossible to fight our 
way through them, should they come to a head and make any 
resistance. As therefore we met the inhabitants, we told them 
they must repair to the church or churches, or else expect no 


quarter from them that were following us who were many 
hundreds in number ; for we were only the forerunners of a 
greater body of Pirates that were at our heels. Having so 
done, and got several churches full of the inhabitants, we 
placed at each door a barrel of gunpowder with a train to it 
and a man standing with a lighted match, who told them that, 
if they offered to stir out, he would presently give fire; but 
none offered to attempt it. So that by this means, while the 
inhabitants remained in that confinement, we plundered the 
town at our leisure. Here we found great store of provisions 
of all sorts ; for the town is very pleasant and finely adorned 
with orchards of fruit, vineyards, and gardens. At Coquimbo 
is also gold-dust to be found in a river that runneth close by 
the place. Here another piece of treachery was put upon us 
by the Governor of the town. After a flag of truce and some 
complements sent to and fro between us, he came to an 
amicable parley with our Captain and only two more, one on 
each side, where they drank very friendly together upon a 
hill close by the town, he keeping the fields with his horsemen 
and all those that were fled out of the town. There he pro- 
mised to ransom the town from fire, for 95,000 pieces-of-eight, 
which should be sent us in within a day or two. But that 
night or the next they contrived to fire our ship, an Indian 
swimming aboard under the stern with a ball of combustible 
matter, which he fixed there unseen to our men ; so that, had 
it not been discovered by the stink before it burst out into a 
flame, we had all, both on shore and land, inevitably perished. 
The next day they half-drowned the town by letting in many 
sluices of water upon us; by which acts of hostility and 
treachery we perceived no faith nor money more than what 
we had already got was to be expected from them. Thus we 
set fire to the town, staying as long as we could till it was all 
in a flame, locked up the doors of the churches, and marched 
out, fighting our way down to our boats, which we easily did, 
for they made no great opposition after the first volleys of 
our shot, which killed some few of them. Here we set Captain 
Argandona on shore, Captain Peralta, who was taken in the 
ship that was bound for Lima, and other prisoners which we 
had still remaining on board our vessel, and whom we all along 
entertained very well. We were in possession of the town of 
Coquimbo only four or five days, and for our booty we brought 

i ors 


away five-hundred pound weight of plate, besides jewels, 
goods, and other things. 

_-~¥rom Coquimbo we sailed to the isles of Juan Fernandez, 
where we kept our Christmas that year 1680, finding there 
good plenty of provisions, and as much dissention among our 
men—who would not return home that year, as our Captain 
would have them to do, but make a farther search for gold, 
or golden prizes, into those seas. -But the true occasion of 
their grudge was that Captain Sharp had got by these adven- 
tures, as it was said, almost a-thousand pound, whereas many 
of our men were scarce worth a groat : and good reason there 
was for their poverty, for at the Isle of Plata, called by us 
Drake’s Isle, and other places, they had lost all their money 
to their fellow Buccaneers at dice—so that some had a great 
deal, and others just nothing. Those who were thrifty men 
sided with Captain Sharp, and were for returning home ; but 
the others chose another Commander, by name John Watling, 
and turned Sharp out of his commission, pretending they could 
do it as being a free election. And so they might do, for they 
were the greatest number by far ; and power may pretend to 
any thing. This contest had like to have come to blows among 
us ; but some prudent men moderated the matter, and per- 
suaded Captain Sharp’s party to have patience for a while— 
at least seeing they were the fewest, and had moneys to lose, 
which the other party had not. 

By order of our new Commander Watling we set sail pre- 
sently after the beginning of the New Year 1681 from the isles 
of Juan Fernandez, and were resolved to go and plunder 
Arica, both to find employment for our discontented party, 
as being a vastly rich place, and to remember them for the 
shams put upon us at He lo he or Ylo. “Just as we were ready 
to sail, three men-of-war came upon us, one of eight, another 
of twelve, and the third of sixteen guns. We had not so much 
as one gun, for all our vessel was of four-hundred ton or more. 
Neither had we now more than one ship, we having sunk the 
Mayflower, wherein Captain Cox sailed, upon the coast of 
Guayaquil, by reason we had broken her bowsprit with the 
stern of the Tvinity, which had her in a tow, and could not 
fit her with another.” These ships now being three against one, 
and we not able to divide them, as we endeavoured to do, by 
running on board their Admiral before the rest could come up, 



we thought fit to run for it. So we did, bidding them adieu 
in the night, and steering directly, as I have mentioned, for 

We landed at Arica, and fought the town with 93 men, 
which number was all we could conveniently spare. We got 
into the town and took several of their breast-works, yet were 
repulsed from the castle, and afterwards beaten out of the 
town by the country-people, who poured in upon us in huge 
numbers ; so that we were forced to retreat unto our boats, 
fighting our way through above 1000 men who were gathered 
against us: this was the hardest shock we had in all the South 
Sea. Captain Watling, our Commander-in-chief, was here 
killed ; through whose ill-conduct, as it was thought, this mis- 
fortune happened unto us. For, had he assaulted the fort in 
time, before the people and soldiers that ran out of the town 
were got into it, we had undoubtedly carried all before us. 
But he trifled away his time in giving quarter and taking 
prisoners upon the breastworks, till at last we had more 
prisoners than we could command. We placed some of these 
prisoners before the front of our men, when we assaulted the 
castle, just as Sir Henry Morgan did the nuns and friars at 
Porto Bello ; but the Spaniards fired as well at them as at us. 
In a word, we lost here 40 men, nine of which were taken 
prisoners, being our surgeons and others, while they were 
dressing the wounded at the hospital; which loss of our 
surgeons increased our damage very much, and only 42 or 43 
were left serviceable to fight our way through so many hundred 
of foot and horse unto our boats, we not losing one man by 
the way, though several were wounded : so much did we awe 
them with our fuzees, and so afraid were they to break in 
upon us, though we were almost three miles from our boats. 
This repulse we resented more than any other we ever sustained 
before, since here was more plate and gold than we could well 
carry away, by reason it is the embarcadero, or place where all 
the vast riches that are brought from the mountains of Potosy 
are shipped off for Panama, whence it goes into Spain. Now 
Captain Sharp was chosen again, his conduct being thought 
safer than any other man’s, and they having had trial of 
another leader. Our surgeons we left behind had quarter from 
the enemy, they being able to do good service in that country ; 
but our wounded men were all knocked on the head, as we 


understood afterwards. This misfortune fell to us on the 30th 
of January, being King Charles’ day, as I can remember by 
some tokens. 

Having set sail from Arica, we cruized to and fro for the 
space of six weeks, but could meet with nothing that was to 
our purpose. By this time provisions grew scarce again, and 
our men began to mutiny anew ; some being for going home, 
and others for staying longer till they had got more moneys. 
To find them employment we put in at a place called Guasco. 
Here we landed some of our men, took some prisoners, and 
got in provisions, but did nothing else considerable. We 
landed again afterwards within two leagues of Ylo, or He lo he, 
where we took many prisoners, and thanked them for their 
former kindness unto us, which we had not yet forgotten, as 
they found by experience this time. 

After this, about the middle of April, 1681, our dissentions 
grew so high among us that above 40 more of our men deserted 
us, and in boats and canoes rowed away from us, to go home 
overland through the province of Darien, as their companions 
had done before. They steered their course in quest of St 
Maries River, belonging to that country, as was mentioned 
before: their chief grudge was against Captain Sharp, whom 
they envied and would not obey ; neither would we be brought 
to choose another Commander, knowing that neither by that 
means we should ever be able to keep them quiet. Thus we 
parted with them, allowing them what was necessary for their 
voyage, or they rather taking it away with them; but we 
would not quarrel about it. Now our company and forces 
were extremely weakened, but our hearts as yet were good ; 
and, though we had met with many disappointments in several 
places, yet we hoped that at last, by some means or other, we 
should attain the ends of our desires, which was to enrich 

Finding it very cold and bad weather in the latitude where 
we were, we sailed Northward, and about the beginning of 
May we came to the Gulf of Nicoya, where we anchored at an 
island called Chero. Here we took down our upper-deck, and 
sank our quarter-deck, and fitted ourselves very well to sea 
again. This was all performed by help of a Spanish carpenter 
and six or seven of his men, who were building some vessels 
in a river close by. . We rewarded them for their pains with 


one of our barks, which we gave them, and for their sakes 
turned loose all our prisoners, excepting some negroes, which 
we detailed to do our drudgery. One man was lost here, who 
was drowned, our drunken men ae the boat as they 
came from shore. 

From Chero we went to the island of El Cavallo, where we 
lost our interpreter, who had done us good service all along, 
and at this place ran away from us, as we judged, unto the 
Spaniards, leaving behind him all that he had purchased in 
the voyage, which was worth nigh 500 pound in money and 
goods. What should be his intent in this action we could not 
know, except to betray us unto that nation. 

‘He was a Dutchman by birth, and his name James Marquis, 
and was very intelligent in the Spanish lingua, and besides 
that in several others. After his departure we had no great 
use for an interpreter, neither now did we much want one ; 
yet, in what occasions we had, we made use of one Mr. Ring- 
rose, who was with us in all this voyage, and being a good 
scholar and full of ingeniosity had also good skill in languages. 
This gentleman kept an exact and very curious Journal of all 
our voyage from our first setting out to the very last day ; 
took also all the observations we made, and likewise an accu- 
rate description of all the ports, towns, and lands we came to. 
His papers, or rather his diary, with all his drafts, are now in 
the hands of a person of my acquaintance at Wapping in 
London, and, as he telleth me, are very nigh being printed, 
which, if it be so, as I hope he will not fail to do it, I shall 
refer you for the truth of what I have here said, unto those 
papers ; for I desire to be corrected by them, if in any thing 
here delivered my memory has failed me, for I am certain he 
kept all along the best and truest account of all things that 
happened, beyond any man about us, and observed more 
particularities than any one else. Yet I am sure I have not 
much deviated from the truth in what is here set down ; only 
that, perhaps, I have omitted many things which I have for- 
gotten, my notes being very short concerning all the voyage. 

In June, 1681, we cleaned our vessel in the gulf called Dulce, 
which we had not done so long before, and you may easily 
believe was by this time very foul. Having sailed thence, 
towards E1 Cabo de San Francisco, or Cape St Francis, some- 
where about that Cape in July we took a ship that was bound 


for Panama and was laden with cacao-nuts, and had besides 
some small quantity of plate on board her. We took out of 
her the plate and goods, and what else we pleased, cut down 
the main-mast, and so let her go before the wind towards the 
port she was bound unto. About a fortnight after, at Cabo 
del Paffao, we took another small prize which was bound for 
Paita or Lima, that being the harbour, or landing-place, of 
all that goes up to that great city, the head of Peru. This was 
only a kind of packet-boat that was going from Panama to 
Paita: she ran in under the shore when we gave her chase, 
and most of the passengers and other people got to land ; but 
we took the greatest part of them, and dismissed them the 
next day, not knowing what to do with them, so they were 
forced to foot it overland back again to Panama. The vessel 
likewise we turned loose before the wind, the next day after 
we had rummaged her pretty well, as having no farther service 
for her. The next after, we came up with another sail at Cape 
Paffao (where we took the packet-boat), which proved to be 
one of the greatest adventures of this whole voyage, if not the 
greatest of all, had we but known our own happy fortune, and 
how to make good use of it. This was a ship called El Santo 
Rosario, or The Holy Rosary, of an indifferent big burthen 
and loaded with brandy and oil, wine and fruit, besides good 
store of other provisions. They fired at us first, but we came 
up-board to board with them, and gave them such volleys of 
small shot that they were soon forced to surrender, having 
several of their men wounded, their Captain killed, and one 
only man more. In this ship, besides the lading above- 
mentioned, we found also almost 700 pigs of plate, but we 
took them to be some other metal, especially tin: and under 
this mistake they were slighted by us all, especially the Captain 
and seamen, who by no persuasions used by some few, who 
were for having them rummaged, could not be induced to take 
them into our ship, as we did most of the other things. Thus 
we left them on board the Rosario, and, not knowing what to 
do with the bottom in that scarcity of men we were under, 
we turned her away loose unto the sea, being very glad we 
had got such good belly-timber out of her and thinking little 
what quantity of rich metal we left behind. It should seem 
this plate was not yet thoroughly refined and fitted for to 
coin; and this was the occasion that deceived us all. One 


only pig of plate, out of the whole number of almost 700, we 
took into our ship, thinking to make bullets of it ; and to this 
effect, or what else our seamen pleased, the greatest part of 
it was melted or squandered away. Afterwards, when we 
arrived at Antigua, we gave the remaining part of it, which 
was yet about one-third thereof, unto a Bristol man, who knew 
presently what it was (though he dissembled with us), brought 
it to England, and sold it there for seventy-five-pound sterling, 
as he confessed himself afterwards to some of our men. Thus 
we parted with the richest booty we had gotten in the whole 
voyage, through our own ignorance and laziness. 

In this ship, the Rosario, we took also a great book full of, 
sea-charts and maps, containing a very accurate and exact 
description of all the ports, sounding, creeks, rivers, capes, and 
coasts belonging to the South Sea, and all the navigations 
usually performed by the Spaniards in that ocean. This book, 
it seemeth, serveth them for an entire and complete Wagenaer}, 
in those parts, and for its novelty and curiosity was presented 
unto His Majesty after our return into England. It has been 
since translated into English, as I hear, by His Majesty’s 
order, and the copy of the translation, made by a Jew, I have 
seen at Wapping ; but withal the printing thereof is severely 
prohibited, lest other nations should get into those seas and 
make use thereof, which is wished may be reserved only for 
England against its due time. The seaman who at first laid 
hold on it, on board the Rosario, told us the Spaniards were 
going to cast this book overboard, but that he prevented them, 
which notwithstanding we scarce did give entire credit unto, 
as knowing in what confusion they all were. Had the Captain 
himself been alive at that time, his story would have deserved 
more belief ; yet, howsoever, if the Spaniards did not attempt 
to throw this book into the sea, at least they ought to have 
done it for the reasons that are obvious to every man’s under- 
standing and are hinted at before. We parted with the Rosario 
and her plate the last day of July, 1681. 

Here it was, at Cape Paffao, immediately after our turning 
away to sea the Rosario, and on the first or second day of 
August, 1681, that we set up our resolutions to seek no farther 
into those seas, but to come away for England round about 
the Strait of Magellan or by Strait Le Maire. This voyage 

1 Lucas Wagenaer, Den Nieuwen Spieghel dey Zeevaert . . . iM 
diversche Zeecaerten begrepen; folio, Amsterdam 1596, 


we thought less dangerous by far, seeing others had performed 
it before us, than to go overland, as our companions went, 
through such great and imminent dangers both of Indians and 
Spaniards ; through which nations, peradventure, we should 
be forced to fight our way almost every step we made: after 
which, when we came to the North Sea, we knew not how to 
get any shipping to convey us unto Jamaica; for we could 
not question but our own ships were either departed long be- 
fore that time or at least taken up and carried away by our 
companions and deserters; besides that we had too much 
goods and luggage to carry overland, taken out of our several 
prizes, which we were unwilling to lose. Our chief motives 
for this sudden departure for England were the huge scarcity 
of men we had at that present ; for now our whole number 
was reduced unto 64 men, whereof many were not fit to bear 
arms, as being negroes and others, that had only courage or 
skill to do our drudgery: this number, we feared, by any 
farther encounters might be so far lessened as scarce to be able 
to man our ship, at least to convey us home in safety; whereby, 
should we weaken it more, we might come to lose all we had 
got. And now we had purchased in the Rosario good store of 
provisions, especially of wine and brandy, sufficient to last, as 
we hoped, for such a voyage ; which, should we diminish upon 
farther adventures, we knew not when we should be so well 
provided again. The last motive was that most of our men 
had gotten pretty well by this voyage, and were afraid to lose 
by farther adventures what they had already purchased ; for, 
though some of our men had made away or lost all their money 
at play, yet others were so much the richer by their losses. 
For these reasons we set sail from Cape Paffao on the third day 
of August, to seek for the Strait of Magellan, or that of Le 
Maire, thereby to return into England, or at least unto the 
Leeward Islands. 

This voyage round about the Strait of Magellan, or rather 
beyond it, as also beyond the Strait of Le Maire, we performed 
in just six months, a day or two more or less, till we arrived 
at Antego at the end of January, 1681, having set forth from 
Cape Paffao, in the South Sea, at the beginning of August, 
1681, as was said before. In all this long and tedious voyage 
very little happened unto us that was remarkable, neither had 
we any encounter with enemies either by sea or land that is 


worth rehearsing—only two or three things I shall hint unto 
you by the by. 

At Paita, which is the landing-place, or harbour, belonging 
to the court of Lima, situated some few miles distant from the 
sea, we endeavoured to land some of our men upon the side 
of the bay. Having manned already our canoes for this intent 
with 30 or 40 men, which was now the greatest number we 
could spare, we descried many hundred men, both horse and 
foot, drawn up into battle-array, who waited for our landing. 
By this sight we perceived that we were discovered, and that 
the whole country was alarmed against us, whereby we judged 
it would be the greatest piece of rashness in the world to go 
ashore and throw ourselves, being so few, into the mouths of 
so many enemies. Hereupon we gave over the design we had 
against that rich place, went back into our ship, and sailed 
away for the Strait of Fernando de Magellan. 

In October we had very hard weather, that we had much 
ado to keep the seas. This was, if I well remember, about 
50 degrees and a half of Southern latitude. Here, in this stress 
of weather, we spied a high land, unto which we made, and 
came to an anchor in a good harbour, where we moved our 
ship to the land. Here we stayed all the remaining part of 
that month, which was about three weeks, fishing and fowling 
for our maintenance, as much as the weather would permit 
us—thereby to save our other provisions. We took one Indian 
prisoner, but could not learn of him what country that was, 
as not understanding his language: we sought for others, but 
they were fled. These Indians are very wild, and do eat raw 
flesh. Unto this place we gave the name of the Duke of York’s 
Island, more by guess than anything else ; for whether it were 
an island or continent we could not tell—only we conceived 
it to be so, and that other islands there might be adjoining 
unto it. One of our company, whose name was Shergall, was 
drowned as we went into the harbour, falling overboard from 
the sprit-sail-top. 

About the beginning of November, we set forth again hence, 
seeking for the Straits either of Magellan or Le Maire, but 
could find neither of them. The hardness of the weather was 
such that we missed both of them, and were driven many 
degrees beyond them: neither could we make any land, but 
came round about such a way as peradventure never any 



mortals came before us. Yet nothing remarkable did we see 
or meet withal, except hard weather, and here and there some 
floats of ice of two or three leagues long. We were very nigh 
60 degrees of Southern latitude: this is all I can remember, 
not having any Journal nor the particular observations by me 
that were taken when the weather permitted. 

Thus we arrived, by God’s infinite mercy, in safety at the 
island of Barbados, just at the latter end of January, 1681. 
Here a boat came off to us that belonged to the Richmond 
frigate: we were afraid of the said frigate, lest she should 
seize us for pirateering, and strip us of all we had got in the 
whole voyage. Hereupon we stood away for the isle of 
Antigua, but could not get leave to come into the harbour, 
though to obtain it we sent a present of jewels unto the Gover- 
nor’s lady ; but he would not grant it, and our jewels were 
returned us very civilly. Hence we resolved every one to shift 
for ourselves: the ship in which we came home, which was 
the Trinity, as I have said before, taken by us at Panama, 
we gave away to seven or eight of our men who had payed 
away all their money. Thus we dispersed, some of our com- 
pany coming to England, others going to Jamaica, Barbados, 
New England, Virginia, and other places. The island of Bar- 
bados was the very first land we descried in the whole voyage 
of three-months’ time, that is ever since we set out from the 
Duke of York’s Island, as we named the place at the beginning 
of November. This navigation, performed by us, proves that 
several degrees more to the South of the Strait of Magellan, 
or that of Le Maire—especially about 58, 59, or 60 degrees 
of Southern latitude—there is a much easier passage from the 
North unto the South Sea than through either of these two 
Straits. Also that there is no such continent as Terra Australis 
incognita, as is named and described in all the ancient maps : 
so that it is but steering many degrees higher to the South 
and one may go as easily into the South Sea, or come thence 
into the North Sea, as we can go from England to Jamaica, 
only that the voyage, peradventure, will be something longer 
than by the Strait of Magellan, which makes not much to 
the purpose, but is rather much better seeing it is performed 
through an open sea and with less danger by far than through 
either of those Straits. All these things I hope will very dis- 
tinctly be made out in the papers, maps, and drafts of that 


ingenious man Mr Ringrose above-mentioned, unto which I 
must of necessity refer you, against the time of their coming 
forth in print. 

Captain Sharp our Commander, myself, ona several others 
came for England, soon after the performance of this voyage. 
Here several of us were put into prison and tried for our lives, 
at the suit of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, the Spanish Ambas- 
sador, for committing piracy and robberies in the South Sea ; 
but we were acquitted by a jury after a fair trial, they wanting 
witnesses to prove what they intended : neither had they had 
any at all against us, were it not for two or three villains of 
our own company, among which were two negroes who turned 
cat in the pan!, and had a spleen against Captain Sharp and 
others that had profited more by the voyage than they had 
done. One chief article against us was the taking of the 
Rosario and killing the Captain thereof and another man ; but 
it was proved the Spaniards fired at us first, as I have hinted 
at above, and thus it was judged we ought to defend ourselves. 
During the space of our imprisonment and trial several others 
of our company were forced to abscond and keep themselves 
concealed very close, for fear of being taken and brought under 
the same indictment. Also at Jamaica three of our company 
who arrived there were taken and cast into prison, and one of 
them was hanged who was wheedled into an open confession 
of his crime: the other two stood it out, and escaped, as I 
suppose, for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them. 
Our trial was at the Marshalsea in Southwark, by a Court of 

Thus far I have given you an account of our adventures in 
the South Sea. But here you inquire of me what is become 
of Captain Sharp since the time of his trial? I must tell you 
I could wish I had a better account to give of him than what 
I have at present: he wasted all his money here in good 
fellowship in a short while after that he was set at liberty ; 
much he spent also while he was under confinement, so that 
he was soon reduced low, as most of the Buccaneers use to be 
after their voyages, according to what is truly enough related 
of them in that History. Having spent all his money, he 
resolved to go seek for more, and that by the same means he 

1 An old proverbial saying (occurring in Heywood’s Proverbes, 

1546): to prove perfidious, to change sides—probably a culinary 
metaphor, from cate (cake). 

Es ; Lz 

a ee oe 


had used formerly ; yet an order there was, either from the 
Privy Council or the Court of Admiralty, that no Commander 
should carry him into those parts of the West Indies again, 
fearing lest he should do more mischief unto the Spaniards, 
contrary to the articles, beyond the line, for they had notice 
given them he intended to return thither to make new dis- 
coveries upon those coasts, and unto this effect had already 
taken up his passage in one of His Majesty’s frigates—but this 
order prevented him. As for merchant-ships, they refused to 
carry him, fearing he would tempt the men to revolt aginst 
the masters, and by this means run away with the ship to 
privateering, as he had done before. 

Not finding, therefore, any means to get out of England, he 
got together a little money, and with this he bought an old 
boat, which, as I am told, used to lie above London Bridge, 
for the sum of £20 sterling. Into this boat he put a small 
quantity of butter and cheese, and a dozen or two pieces of 
beef: these were his provisions : his crew were only 16 men. 
With this equipage he sailed down the river, and came unto 
the Downs: hereabouts, as ’tis said, he met with a French 
vessel, which he clapt aboard, seized, and made himself master 
thereof. Presently after he sank his own boat, which he in- 
tended to carry no farther than until he could provide himself 
with a better bottom. Upon Romney Marsh he espied some 
cattle, and thereupon sent some men ashore to provide what 
they thought fit for the present victualling of their vessel. 
Thus he is gone out of England, but whither, upon what 
design, or what adventures he has met withal since, I cannot 
tell you. 





From the Original Journal of the said Voyage 
written by 

Who was all along present at those Transactions 

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THE general applause wherewith the History of the Buccaneers 
has been received could have no other effect than easily to 
persuade the Publisher of that piece to undertake the Second 
Volume thereof, especially considering that the same points 
which deserved the credit and commendation of the first did 
seem to subsist for the like esteem and reception of the second. 
These were the fidelity of the relations both here and there 
published, the authors having been not only eye-witnesses but 
also actors in the transactions they report ; the candour and 
sincerity of the style; the variety and pleasantness of these 
voyages ; the greatness of the attempts here related ; the un- 
paralleled courage of the Buccaneers ; the strangeness of their 
performances ; the novelty of their exploits ; and, withal, the 
glory and grandeur of valour which here is seen to be inherent 
to our English nation, and as pregnant of great actions in the 
present as in the former ages. Unto which points may be 
_ added in this Second Volume for its recommendation the 

grand discovery of a new passage into the South Sea, beyond 
the Straits of Magellan and Le Maire through an open and in 
no wise dangerous ocean without those formidable perils from 
rocks, currents, and shoals which hitherto have rendered the 
two passages aforementioned altogether inaccessible to 

U 289 


trading: a navigation performed by Captain Sharp and his 
companions, many degrees beyond what Sir Francis Drake, 
Jacob Le Maire, Noord, or Magellan himself, who first circum- 
navigated the world, ever reached unto in their sailings. This 
discovery alone, as hugely beneficial to mankind, so may it 
seem sufficient of itself to recommend the present piece unto 
the public, even as extremely necessary to all such as navigate 
the ocean, and no less delightful unto those persons whose 
studies are directed to the search of nature, to the arts of 
mathematics or navigation. Besides which point, both of art, 
curiosity, and usefulness, we have given unto us here by Mr 
Ringrose an exact account of many places in the South Sea ; 
the very draughts and maps of many ports, islands, bays, 
gulfs, points, and coasts, hitherto unknown to the greatest 
part of Europe—their appearance at sea, their surroundings, 
landings, and bearings ; together with what variety of winds 
and weather, of currents and calms, and other observations 
the Buccaneers experimented in those parts. All which things, 
as they manifest unto us the inquisitiveness of the author, so 
ought we highly to applaud his curiosity and genius, who all 
along the course of this voyage not only fought with his sword 
in the most desperate engagements and battles of the Bucca- 
neers against the Spaniards, but with his pen gave us a true 
account of those transactions, and with his pencil has de- 
lineated unto us the very scenes of those tragedies. Thus we 
find him totally employed towards our information and in- 
struction at home while he endured the greatest fatigues and 
hardship abroad: at the same time making quadrants at sea 
that others sat idle and murmuring upon the decks; at the 
same time shipwrecked and almost naked and starving upon 
a desert island, and yet describing, even more exactly than 
the Spaniards themselves, the Gulf of Ballona (otherwise 
called of San Miguel), where he was cast away. These things, 
I say, as they are not undeserving of the highest praise and 
commendation in this ingenious gentleman, Mr Ringrose 
their author, so shall the curios of nature and posterity 
itself be his eternal debtors for their acquaintance with these 

Some imperfect account of these transactions, both short 
and in many things defective, I gave last year unto the public, 
at the end of the second impression of the History of the 

a ee 



Buccaneers. But, such as that relation was, I had no better 
then to give ; neither had I then seen the present Journal of 
Mr Ringrose, and that same account being received from the 
hands of some of the Buccaneers themselves at Wapping, it 
was esteemed fit, both by me and others, to be published at 
that time. But as the author of those papers, mistrusting 
both his own memory and sufficiency, remits himself in that 
narrative unto the Journal of Mr Ringrose, and desires by this 
alone to be corrected or supplied either in what he was mis- 
taken or deficient—so now, this Diary being published, I hope 
I have vindicated myself from any fault in history, having 
brought these papers to light by which those others were 
beforehand both acknowledged and desired to be amended. 

As to my other Journal of this voyage, I shall not concern 
myself in the least with their veracity, nor meddle with their 
relations—knowing that, if any other person did take it, that 
no person in the voyage was so able as Mr Ringrose. Yet I 
know that divers narratives, in many points differing from 
one another, have at several times been made public of one 
and the same battle, one and the same siege, voyage, journey, 
or other transaction. And indeed all human affairs, whereso- 
ever reported by various persons, though all were present at 
the times and places of their circumvolution, are necessarily 
subject to some diversity in the rehearsal—one person observ- 
ing, omitting, contracting, dilating, understanding, or mis- 
taking one particular point or part of any transaction more 
than another. 

Having premised this much, I shall here only declare that 
what is here asserted shall be supported by Mr Ringrose him- 
self whenever he returns into England—yea, and owned for 
truth by Captain Bartholomew Sharp, as the chiefest actor in 
these affairs, as soon as he comes home again; and, if any 
other person can show unto the world any Journal of the same 
voyage more complete, more exact, more elaborate, more 
curious and informing than Mr Ringrose has done, he shall 
deserve the laurel for me. 

The case being thus stated concerning the present narrative 
or Journal, I hope no person for the future will asperse or mis- 
construe the sincerity of my intentions in relation to the 
public. This I speak under that due resentment I ought to 
have for being traduced the last year by some persons who, 


being transported with too much passion and partiality, would 
have nobody else to be an admirer of the person and valorous 
actions of Sir Henry Morgan or the rest of the Buccaneers but 
themselves. As if to publish a translation of the unparalleled 
exploits of that Jamaican hero—to give him this commend- 
able title ; to say that both he and his companions had acted 
beyond mortal men in America ; to compare them to Alex- 
ander, Julius Cesar, and the Nine Worthies of Fame; to 
propose them unto our English nation as the truest patterns 
of undaunted and exemplary courage that it ever produced, 
were to disparage the conduct of Sir Henry Morgan and his 
companions—as if all this were intended only to diminish the 
glory of his actions and eclipse the splendour of his and their 
valorous triumphs. Methinks, if envy reach thus far, with the 
same reason or unjust measure those persons may say that to 
publish this present Journal is to divulge nothing else than a 
satire against Captain Sharp; and that Mr Ringrose, who 
everywhere admires his conduct and extols his actions to the 
skies—yea, and was present himself and concerned in the same 
affairs—did mean nothing else than to traduce his own and 
Captain Sharp’s name as infamous unto posterity. For my 
part, I judge myself so far distant from blemishing? in the 
least or disparaging Sir Henry Morgan or his heroic actions, 
that I believe I have showed myself to be the greatest admirer 
of his personal valour and conduct—yea, I think I have done 
more towards the advantage both of the honour and credit of 
that great commander, by soliciting and publishing that trans- 
lation, than all the authors of our English nation besides. And 
I could unfeignedly wish that these persons who pretend to be 
so passionate for Sir Henry Morgan and his huge deserts as 
to misinterpret the sincere respects and service I have en- 
deavoured to perform unto his merits would outdo that I have 
already done in this particular, and give us either a more full, 
exact, and true account of his exploits, or the best panegyric 
of his prowess that ever was written ; and then experiment 
whether I did not readily embrace the printing such a thing 
at my own cost and charge, or rather render them ten thousand 
thanks for his commendations than carp at their actions for 
perusing and printing the same. 

1 Aspersing: cf. Mrs. Hutchinson, Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson, ed, 
1846, p. 51: ‘‘ Blemish not a man that is innocent.” 


For what if the French or Dutch author of the History of 
the Buccaneers did mistake himself in two or three points re- 
lating to Sir Henry Morgan? Must therefore the Publisher 
be blamed for faithfully printing what was most faithfully 
translated ? Must the saddle be set upon the wrong horse, 
and the faults of the author be imputed unto the printer ? 
Thus, if Mr Ringrose should happen to commit any mistake 
in these present papers, that blame should be presently mine ; 
and happy should be all authors if so readily their errors could 
be discharged upon the Publishers. Besides, what authors can 
there be found so accurate in all things as not to be subject 
now and then to some little lapses of their pen? Were it so 
in John Esquemeling ; as he ought to be pardoned for any 
small peccadillo shot wittingly nor willingly committed, con- 
cerning what he relates of Sir Henry Morgan, so am I hitherto 
persuaded that he never designed to offend that great person, 
or falsely traduce his memory in the least. My argument is : 
Because he himself had the hand of a private Buccaneer in 
those affairs, he himself was a sharer in those booties, an actor 
in those enterprizes, and could no more blame Sir Henry 
Morgan for leading unto those attempts than blemish him- 
self for following unto them. Another reason, even more 
prevalent, is that he all along speaks more honourably of Sir 
Henry Morgan than of any other Commander of the Bucca- 
neers though they were his own countrymen, either Francis 
L’Ollonais or Roche Brasiliano, whereof the one was a Dutch- 
man and the other was born in France. So that to say that 
he represents the English Buccaneers as the worst of men is 
plainly to forget that he relates ten times greater villainies of 
his own nation and countrypeople ; and that the partiality 
they accuse him of, if any such can be found in that author, 
is rather bent against the French and other nations than the 
English. Does he in any place of his History lay all the faults 
and cruelties of the English Buccaneers upon Sir Henry 
Morgan? Or do we believe that, if committed without order, 
as in most armies many things are so done, the General or 
Commander-in-Chief ought to be accountable for them? Or, 
if those things were performed by order, that the Spaniards 
had not deserved them at the hands of the Buccaneers ? 

Aye, but he mistakes the pedigree of Sir Henry Morgan. 
Truly a great fault,,and unpardonable in John Esquemeling, 


a foreigner to our nation and an illiterate Buccaneer, that he 
should not be better read in our English history! So did he 
also mistake his very name, calling him Captain John Morgan 
(for Henry) ; but that fault was rectified in the translation. 
As if every private soldier ought to be thoroughly acquainted 
with the Christian name of his General, and know whether he 
was baptized John or Thomas, Richard or William! Now 
what dishonour can it be refuted unto the merits of Sir Henry 
Morgan to be misrepresented by John Esquemeling, for the 
son of a rich yeoman in Wales, whereas at the same time he 
says that he was of good quality in that country even as most 
who bear that name in Wales are known to be? Does not 
all our English nation know the family of the Morgans to be 
one of the ancientest and best qualified in all Wales or England, 
and that to be descended of a rich yeoman of the same family 
is as great an honour and as honourable a pedigree as any 
private gentleman needs to pretend to ? 

But then Sir Henry Morgan did not burn Panama. And 
what disgrace was it to that worthy person if he had set fire 
unto it, for those reasons he knew best himself? Certainly 
no greater dishonour than to take and plunder the said city. 
Thus are all these persons so far transported with passion 
towards Sir Henry Morgan as to bereave him of the glory of 
his greatest actions, whether true or false. For, whether he 
fired the town or not (for that question I shall not make mine), 
this I am sure, that it was constantly so reported and be- 
lieved here in England, viz. that the English had set fire unto tt, 
that unto this day the Buccaneers do believe it to be so; and 
consequent unto this belief Mr Ringrose in these papers says 
plainly in some place or other that Panama was once burnt 
by Sir Henry Morgan; that the Spaniards themselves never 
believed or reported this fact otherwise, neither will they easily 
be persuaded to the contrary unto this very day, as I am 
credibly informed by those persons who lived in Spain at the 
same time that the news of the taking of Panama was brought 
into Spain, and who have been resident there many years since. 
For what concerns what now is published that the Governor 
of Panama fired the town himself is rather believed by the 
Spaniards to be a sham of the Governor’s making—thereby 
to save his own bacon—against whom they rail as the greatest 
coward that ever was, for deserting the town and flying to the 


mountains at the approach of the English. How then, say 
they, could he fire it himself, or give orders to have it fired, 
when we know he was upon the spur 30 or 40 miles distant 
from there ? Had he done it, he would have set fire unto every 
house before he had left the town and not so many hours after 
the English were in possession of the place and be at such a 
distance from it. Thus, both the English nation and the 
Spanish having agreed to give the honour of this action, either 
truly or falsely, to Sir Henry Morgan, I cannot but admire 
that those who pretend to be the greatest admirers of his 
merits should endeavour to divest him of it. 

What concerns two or three points more relating to Sir 
Henry Morgan in the History of the Buccaneers: I shall not 
undertake to apologize for John Esquemeling, in case he has 
misrepresented them. All I shall say is this: that that worthy 
person is not the first General or Chief Commander whose 
actions have been misconstrued or misunderstood by the 
common soldiers, and consequently ill represented by them 
at home. Neither is anything in this world more subject to 
glosses and false representations than the heroic actions of 
great men by their servants or inferiors. If this be the case 
of John Esquemeling, and that he was mal-contented with his 
fortune at Panama, what is that tome ? What fault was that 
of mine? Meanwhile, why have not these persons so zealous 
of the honour of Sir Henry Morgan given us the true Journal 
of his huge exploits, but rather suffer his famous actions to lie 
dormant for so many years in England at the same time that 
other nations have published them abroad? And then why 
must I be blamed by these persons, his admirers, for doing 
for the renown of Sir Henry Morgan what I could, if I could 
not do so much as I would willingly have done ? 


PARI. 1 


Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and others set forth in a fleet 
towards the province of Darien, upon the continent of America. 
Their designs to pillage and plunder in those parts. Number 
of their ships, and strength of their forces by sea and land 

AT a place called Boca del Toro was the general rendezvous 
of the fleet, which lately had taken and sacked Porto Bello 
the second time—that rich place having been taken once 
before, under the conduct of Sir Henry Morgan, as is related 
in the History of the Buccaneers. At this place also were 
two other vessels, the one belonging to Captain Peter Harris, 
and the other to Captain Richard Sawkins ; both Englishmen 
and privateers. Here, therefore, a report was made to the 
fleet of a peace concluded between the Spaniards and the 
Indians of the land of Darien, who for the most part wage 
incessant wars against one another. Also, that since the 
conclusion of the said peace they had been already tried 
and found very faithful unto Captain Bournano, a French 
commander, in an attempt on a certain place called Chepo, 
near the South Sea. Further, that the Indians had promised 
to conduct him to a great and very rich place named Toca- 
mora ; upon which he had likewise promised them to return 
in three months time with more ships and men. Hereupon 
we all agreed to go and visit the said place, and thus dispersed 
ourselves into several coves (by the Spaniards called cuévas, 
or hollow creeks under the coasts), there to careen and fit 
our vessels for that: purpose. In this place, Boca del Toro, 



we found plenty of fat tortoises, the pleasantest meat in the 
world. When we had refitted our vessels, we met at an island 
called by us the Water-key ; and this was then our strength, 
as follows :— | 
Tons Guns Men 
Captain Coxon, ina ship of 80 8 97 

Captain Harris 150 25. “107 
Captain Bournano 90 6 86 
Captain Sawkins 16 I 35 
Captain Sharp 25 2 40 
Captain Cook 35 O 43 
Captain Alleston 18 O 24 
Captain Row 20 O 25 
Captain Mackett 14 Oo 20 

We sailed thence March 23rd, 1679, and in our way touched 
at the islands called Samballas. These are certain islands, 
reaching eight leagues in extent and lying fourteen leagues 
Westward of the river of Darien. Being here at anchor, 
many of the Indians, both men and women, came to see us. 
Some brought plantains, others other fruits and venison, to 
exchange with us for beads, needles, knives, or any trifling 
bauble whereof they stand in need. But what they most 
chiefly covet are axes and hatchets to fell timber withal. 
The men here go almost naked, as having only a sharp and 
hollow tip, made either of gold, silver, or bark, into which 
they thrust their privy members, which tip they fasten with 
a string about their middle. They wear as an ornament in 
their noses a golden or silver plate, in shape like a half-moon, 
which, when they drink, they hold up with one hand while 
they lift the cup with the other. They paint themselves 
sometimes with streaks of black; as the women do in like 
manner with red. These have in their noses a pretty thick 
ring of gold or silver; and for clothing they cover themselves 
with a blanket. They are generally well-featured women : 
among them I saw several fairer than the fairest of Europe, 
with hair like the finest flax. Of these it is reported they can 
see far better in the dark than in the light. 

These Indians misliked our design for Tocamora, and 
dissuaded us from it, asserting it would prove too tedious 
a march, and the way so mountainous and uninhabited that 
it would be extremely difficult to get provisions for our men. 
Withal they proffered to guide us, undescried, within a few 


leagues of the city of Panama, in case we were pleased to go 
thither, where we could not choose but ourselves know we 
should not fail of making a good voyage. Upon these and 
other reasons which they gave us, we concluded to desist 
from the journey of Tocamora and to proceed to Panama. 
Having taken these resolutions, Captain Bournano’s and 
Captain Row’s vessels separated from us, as being all French 
and not willing to go to Panama, they declaring themselves 
generally against a long march by land. Thus we left them 
at the Samballas. Thence an Indian Captain, or Chief Com- 
mander, named Andreas, conducted us to another island 
called by the English The Golden Island, situated somewhat 
to the Westward of the mouth of the great river of Darien. 
At this island we met, being in all seven sail, on April 3rd, 

Here at The Golden Island the Indians gave us notice of 
a town called Santa Maria, situated on a great river which 
bears the same name and which runs into the South Sea by 
the Gulf of San Miguel. In the town was kept a garrison of 
400 soldiers ; and from this place much gold was carried to 
Panama which was gathered from the mountains thereabouts. 
In case we should not find sufficient purchase there, we might 
thence proceed by sea to Panama, where we could not easily 
fail of our designs. This motion of the Indians we liked so 
well that we landed 331 men, on April 5th, 1680, leaving 
Captains Alleston and Mackett with a party of seamen to 
guard our ships in our absence with which we eased to 
return home. 

The men that were landed had each of them fie or four 
cakes of bread (called by the English doughboys?) for their 
provision of victuals; and for drink the rivers afforded 
enough. At the time of our landing Captain Sharp was 
very faint and weak, having had a great fit of sickness lately, 
from which he had scarcely recovered. Our several com- 
panies that marched were distinguished as follows. First, 

1 A nautical term for hard dumplings boiled in sea-water: cf. 
Dampier, Voyages (1697), ed. 1729, i, 5, 110: ‘‘ This we served instead 
of butter, to eat with the Dough-boys or dumplins.”’ Still in use in the 
navy: cf. Pall Mall Budget, 22 Aug., 1887, p. 13, col. 2: ‘‘ Each man 
had also a dough-boy made with } Ib. of flour and boiled in the soup.” 
The modern use of the word to designate an American private soldier 
refers to the shape of the buttons on his tunic. 


Captain Bartholomew Sharp with his company had a red 
flag, with a bunch of white and green ribbons. The second 
division, led by Captain Richard Sawkins with his men, had 
a red flag striped with yellow. The third and fourth, led by 
Captain Peter Harris, had two green flags, his company being 
divided into two several divisions. The fifth and sixth, led 
by Captain John Coxon, who had some of Alleston’s and 
Mackett’s men joined to his, made two divisions or companies, 
and had each of them a red flag. The seventh was led by 
Captain Edmund Cook, with red colours striped with yellow, 
with a hand and sword for his device. All or most of them 
were armed with fuzee, pistol, and hanger. 


They march towards the town of Santa Maria with design to 
take it. The Indian King of Darien meets them by the 
way. Difficulties of this march, with other occurrences tll 
they arrive at the place 

BEING landed on the coast of Darien, and divided into com- 
panies as was mentioned in the preceding chapter, we began 
our march towards Santa Maria, the Indians serving us for 
guides in that unknown country. Thus we marched at first 
through a small skirt of a wood, and then over a bay almost 
a league in length. After that, we went two leagues directly 
up a woody valley, where we saw here and there an old 
plantation, and had a very good path to march in. There 
we came to the side of a river, which in most places was dry, 
and built us houses, or rather huts, to lodge in. 

Unto this place came to us another Indian, who was a 
chief commander and a man of great parts, named Captain 
Antonio. This Indian officer encouraged us very much to 
undertake the journey to Santa Maria, and promised to be 
our leadgr, saying he would go along with us now but that 
his child lay very sick. However, he was assured it would 
die by the next day, and then he would most certainly follow 
and overtake us. Withal he desired we would not lie in the 
grass for fear of monstrous adders, which are very frequent 
in those places. Breaking some of the stones that lay in the 
river, we found them shine with sparks of gold. These stones 
are driven down from the neighbouring mountains in time 
of floods. This day four of our men tired, and returned to 
the ships. So we remained in all 327 men, with 6 Indians to 
conduct us. That night some showers of rain fell. 

The next day of our march we mounted a very steep hill, 
and on the other side at the foot thereof we rested on the 



bank of a river, which Captain Andreas told us ran into the 
South Sea, being the same river on which the town of Santa 
Maria was situated. Hence we continued our march until 
noon, and then ascended another mountain very much 
higher than the former. Here we ran much danger often- 
times and in many places, the mountain being so perpendicular 
and the path so narrow that but one man at a time could pass. 
We arrived by the dark of the evening to the other side of the 
mountain, and lodged again by the side of the same river, 
having marched that day, according to our reckoning, about 
18 miles. This night likewise some rain fell. 

The next morning being April 7th, we marched all along 
the river aforementioned, crossing it often, almost at every 
half-mile, sometimes up to the knees and at other times up 
to the middle in a very swift current. About noon we came 
to a place where we found some Indian houses. These were 
very large and neat: the sides were built with cabbage-trees, 
and the roofs of wild canes thatched with palmetto royal, 
but far neater than ours at Jamaica. They had many divisions 
into rooms, though no ascent by stairs into chambers. At 
this place were four of these houses together, that is, within 
a stone’s throw one of another, each of them having a large 
plantain-walk before it. At the distance of half-a-mile from 
this place lived the King or chief Captain of these Indians 
of Darien, who came to visit us in royal robes with his queen 
and family. His crown was made of small white reeds, which 
were curiously woven, having no other top than its lining, 
which was of red silk. Round about the middle of it was 
a thin plate of gold, more than two-inches broad, laced 
behind—whence did stick two or three ostrich-feathers. 
About this plate went also a row of golden beads, which were 
bigger than ordinary peas ; underneath which the red lining of 
the crown was seen. In his nose he wore a large plate of gold 
in the form of a half-moon, and in each ear a great golden 
ring, nearly four-inches in diameter, with a round thin plate of 
gold of the same breadth, having a small hole in the centre 
by which it hung to the ring. He was covered with a thin, 
white, cotton robe, reaching to the small of his legs, and round 
its bottom a fringe of the same, three-inches deep. So that 
by the length of this robe our sight was impeded, that we could 
see no higher than his naked ankles. In his hand he had a 



long bright lance, as sharp as any knife. With him he had 
three sons, each of them having a white robe, and their lances 
in their hands, but standing bareheaded before him ; as also 
were eight or nine persons more of his retinue, or guard. His 
queen wore a red blanket, which was closely girt about her 
waist, and another that came loosely over her head and 
shoulders, like our old-fashioned striped hangings. She had 
a young child in her arms, and two daughters walked by her, 
both marriageable, with their faces almost covered with stripes 
or streaks of red, and almost laden about their neck and arms 
with small beads of several colours. These Indian women of 
the province of Darien are generally very free, airy, and 
brisk, yet withal very modest, and cautious in their husbands’ 
presence, of whose jealousy they stand in fear. With these 
Indians we made an exchange, or had a truck as it is called, 
for knives, pins, needles, or any other such like trifles ; but 
in our dealing with them we found them to be very cunning. 
Here we rested ourselves for the space of one day, and withal 
chose Captain Sawkins to lead the Forlorn, to whom, for that 
purpose, we gave the choice of four-score men. The King 
ordered us each man to have three plantains, with sugar- 
canes to suck, by way of a present. But, when these were 
consumed, if we could not truck we must have starved, for 
the king himself did not refuse to deal for his plantains. 
This sort of fruit is first reduced to mash, then laid between 
leaves of the same tree, and so used with water ; after which 
preparation they call it miscelaw. 

On April 9th we continued our march along the banks of 
the river above-mentioned, finding on our way here and there 
a house. The owners of the said houses would most com- 
monly stand at the door, and give, as we passed by, to every 
one of us either a ripe plantain or some sweet cassava-root. 
Some of them would count us by dropping a grain of corn 
for each man that passed before them, for they know no 
greater number, nor can count no farther, than twenty. 
That night we arrived at three great Indian houses, where 
we took up our lodgings, the weather being clear and serene 
all night. 

The next day Captain Sharp, Captain Coxon, and Captain 
Cook, with about threescore-and-ten of our men, embarked 
themselves in fourteen canoes upon the river, to glide down 


the stream. Among this number I also embarked, and we 
had in our company our Indian Captain Andreas, of whom 
mention was made above, and two Indians more in each 
canoe, to pilot or guide us down the river. But, if we had been 
tired whilst travelling by land before, certainly we were 
in a worse condition now in our canoes. For at the distance 
of almost every stone’s cast we were constrained to quit 
and get out of our boats, and haul them over either sands or 
rocks, and at other times over trees that lay across and filled 
up the river so that they hindered our navigation; yea, 
several times over the very points of land itself. That very 
night we built ourselves huts for shelter upon the riverside, 
and rested our wearied limbs until next morning. 

This being come, we prosecuted our journey all day long 
with the same fatigue and toil as we had done the day before. 
At night came a tiger and looked on us for some while, but 
we did not dare to fire at the animal, fearing we should be 
descried by the sound of our fuzees—the Spaniards, as we 
were told, not being at any great distance from that place. 

But the next day, which was April 12th, our pain and 
labour was rather doubled than diminished—not only for the 
difficulties of the way, which were intolerable, but chiefly 
for the absence of our main body of men, from whom we had 
parted the day before. For now, hearing no news of them, 
we grew extremely jealous of the Indians and their councils, 
suspecting a design of those people thus to divide our forces 
and then, by cutting us off, to betray us to the Spaniards, our 
implacable enemies. That night we rested ourselves by 
building huts, as we had done and as has been mentioned 

On Tuesday morning, the next ensuing day, we continued 
our navigation down the river, and arrived at a beachy 
point of land, at which place another arm joins the same 
river. Here, as we understood, the Indians of Darien did 
usually rendezvous whensoever they drew up in a body with 
intention to fight their ancient enemies, the Spaniards. Here 
also we made a halt, or waited for the rest of our forces and 
company, the Indians having now sent to seek them, as being 
themselves not a little concerned at our dissatisfaction and 
jealousies. In the afternoon our companions came up with 
us, and were hugely glad to see us, they having been in no 


less fear for us than we had been at the same time for them. 
We remained and rested there that night also, with design 
to fit our arms for action, which now, as we were told, was 
near at hand. 

We departed thence early the next morning, which was 
the last day of our march, having in all now the number of 
threescore-and-eight canoes, wherein were embarked 327 of 
us Englishmen, and 50 Indians, who served us for guides. 
To the point above-mentioned the Indians had hitherto 
guided our canoes with long poles or sticks; but now we 
made ourselves oars and paddles to row with, thus to make 
what speed we could. Thus we rowed with all haste imagin- 
able, and upon the river we happened to meet two or three 
Indian canoes that were laden with plantains. About mid- 
night we arrived and landed at the distance of half-a-mile 
more or less from the town of Santa Maria, whither our march 
was all along intended. The place where we landed was 
deeply muddy, insomuch that we were constrained to lay 
our paddles on the mud to wade upon, and withal lift our- 
selves up by the boughs of the trees to support our bodies 
from sinking. Afterwards we were forced to cut our way 
through the woods for some space, where we took up our 
lodgings for that night, for fear of being discovered by the 
enemy, to whom we were so near. 


They take the town of Santa Maria with no loss of men, and but 
small booty of what they fought for. Description of the 
place, country, and river adjacent. They resolve to go and 
plunder for the second time the city of Panama 

THE next morning, which was Thursday, April 15th, about 
break of day, we heard from the town a small arm discharged, 
and after that a drum beating 4 ¢vavailler. With this we were 

roused from our sleep, and, taking up our arms, we put our- . 

selves in order and marched towards the town. As soon as 
we came out of the woods into the open ground, we were 
descried by the Spaniards, who had received intelligence 
beforehand of our coming, and were prepared to receive us, 
having already conveyed away all their treasure of gold and 
sent it to Panama. They ran immediately into a large 
palisaded fort, having each pale or post twelve-foot high, and 
began to fire very briskly at us as we came. But our vanguard 
ran up to the place, and, pulling down two or three of their 
palisades, entered the fort incontinently, and made themselves 
masters thereof. In this action not fifty of our men had come 
up before the fort was taken, and on our side only two were 
wounded, and not one killed. Notwithstanding, within the 
place were found two hundred and three-score men, besides 
which number two-hundred others were said to be absent, 
having gone up into the country to the mines to fetch down 
gold, or rather to convey away what was already in the town. 
This golden treasure comes down another branch of this 
river to Santa Maria from the neighbouring mountains, where 
are thought to be the richest mines of the Indies, or at least 
of all these parts of the Western world. Of the Spaniards we 
killed in the assault 26, and wounded to the number of 16 
more. But their governor, their priest, and all or most of 
their chief men made their escape by flight. 


Having taken the fort, we expected to find here a consider- 
able town belonging to it. But it proved to be only some 
wild houses made of cane, the place being chiefly a garrison 
designed to keep in subjection the Indians, who bear a mortal 
hatred towards, and are often apt to rebel against, the 
Spaniards. But, bad as the place was, our fortune was much 
worse. For we came only three days too late to meet, with 
three-hundred-weight of gold, which was carried thence to 
Panama in a bark that is sent thence twice or thrice every 
year to fetch the gold brought to Santa Maria from the 
mountains. This river, called by the name of the town, is 
hereabouts twice as broad as the river Thames at London, 
and flows above three-score miles upwards, rising to the 
height of two-fathom-and-a-half at the town itself. As soon 
as we had taken the place, the Indians who belonged to our 
company and had served us for guides came up to the town. 
For whilst they heard the noise of the guns they were in 
great consternation and dared not approach the palisades, 
but hid themselves closely in a small hollow, so that the 
bullets, while we were fighting, flew over their heads. 

Here we found and redeemed the eldest daughter of the 
King of Darien, of whom we made mention above. She had, 
as it should seem, been forced away from her father’s house 
by one of the garrison (which rape had hugely incensed him 
against the Spaniards), and was with child by him. After 
the fight the Indians destroyed as many of the Spaniards as 
we had done in the assault, by taking them into the adjoining 
woods and there stabbing them to death with their lances. 
But, so soon as we learnt of this barbarous cruelty, we 
hindered them from taking any more out of the fort, where 
we confined them every one prisoners. Captain Sawkins, 
with a small party of ten more, put himself into a canoe and 
went down the river, to pursue and stop, if it were possible, 
those that had escaped, for they were the chief people of the 
town and garrison. But now, our great expectations of taking 
a huge booty of gold at this place being totally vanished, we 
were unwilling to have come so far for nothing, or to go back 
empty-handed, especially considering what vast riches were 
to be had at no great distance. Hereupon we resolved to go 
to Panama, [in] which place, if we could take [it], we were 
assured we should get treasure enough to satisfy our hungry 


appetite for gold and riches, that city being the receptacle 
of all the plate, jewels, and gold that is dug out of the mines 
of all Potosi and Peru. Unto this effect, therefore, and to 
please the humours of some of our company, we made choice 
of Captain Coxon as our General or Commander-in-chief. 
Before our departure we sent back what small booty we had 
taken here by some prisoners under the charge of twelve of 
our men, to convey it to the ships. 

Thus we prepared to go forward on that dangerous enter- 
prise of Panama. But the Indians who had conducted us 
having got from us what knives, scissors, axes, needles, and 
beads they could, would not stay any longer, but all, or the 
greater part of them, returned to their home. Which not- 
withstanding, the king himself, Captain Andreas, Captain 
Antonio, the king’s son, called by the Spaniards Bonéte de 
Oro, or King Golden-Cap, as also his kinsman, would not be 
persuaded by their falling off to leave us, but resolved to go 
to Panama, out of the desire they had to see that place taken 
and sacked. Yea, the king promised, if there should be 
occasion, to join 50,000 men to our forces. Besides which 
promises, we had also another very considerable encourage- 
ment to undertake this journey. For the Spaniard who had 
forced away the king’s daughter, as was mentioned above, 
fearing lest we should leave him to the mercy of the Indians, 
who would have but little mercy on him, having shown 
themselves so cruel to the rest of his companions, for the safety 
of his life had promised to lead us not only into the town but 
even to the very bedchamber door of the governor of Panama, 
and, that we should take him by the hand and seize both him 
and the whole city before we should be discovered by the 
Spaniards, either before or after our arrival. 


The Buccaneers leave the town of Santa Maria, and proceed by 
sea to take Panama, Extreme difficulties, with sundry acct- 
dents and dangers of that voyage 

HAVING been in possession of the town of Santa Maria only 
the space of two days, we departed thence on Saturday, 
April 17th, 1680. We all embarked in 35 canoes and a peri- 
agua’, which we had taken here lying at anchor before the 
town. Thus we sailed, or rather rowed, down the river in quest 
of the South Sea, upon which Panama is seated, towards the 
Gulf of Ballona, whereat we were to disembogue? into that 
ocean. Our prisoners, the Spaniards, begged very earnestly 
that they might be permitted to go with us and not be left 
to the mercy of the Indians, who would show them no favour 
and whose cruelty they so much feared. But we had much 
ado to find a sufficient number of boats for ourselves, the 
Indians that left us having taken with them, either by consent 
or stealth, so many canoes. Yet, notwithstanding this, they 
found soon after either bark logs, or old canoes, and by that 
means shifted so well for their lives as to come along with us. 
Before our departure we burnt both the fort, the church, and 
the town, which was done at the request of the King, he being 
extremely incensed against it. 

Among these canoes it was my misfortune to have one that 
was very heavy, and consequently sluggish. By this means 
we were left behind the rest a little way, there being only four 

1 A corruption of Span. piragua, a West-Indian canoe, a pirogue : 
cf. “‘. . . six peryagoes, which are huge great trees formed as your 
canowes, yut so laid out on the sides with boords, they will seeme like 
a little gally.’’ Capt. John Smith, Works [1629] (edn. 1884, p. 901). 

2 Discharge from the mouth—from Span. desembocar. Cf. Beaumont 
and Fletcher, Knight of Malta [c. 1626], i, 3: ‘‘ My ships ride in the 
bay ready to disembogue.”’ 



men besides myself that were embarked therein. As the tide 
fell, it left several shoals of sand naked, and hence, we not 
knowing of the true channel amongst such a variety of streams, 
happened to steer within a shoal for above two miles before 
we perceived our error. Hereupon we were forced to lay by 
until high water came, for to row in such heavy boats against 
the tide is totally impossible. As soon as the tide began 
to turn, we rowed away in prosecution of our voyage, and 
withal made what haste we could; but all our endeavours 
were in vain, for we could neither find nor overtake our com- 
panions. Thus at about ten o’clock at night, the tide being 
low, we stuck up an oar in the river, and slept by turns in 
our canoe, several showers of rain falling all the night long 
- which pierced us to the skin. 

But, the next morning, no sooner had day come than we 
rowed away down the river as before, in pursuit of our people. 
Having gone about the space of two leagues, we were so 
fortunate as to overtake them. For they had lain that night 
at an Indian hut, or embarcadero, that is to say landing place, 
and had been taking in water till then. Being arrived at the 
place, they told us that we must not omit to fill our jars 
there with water, otherwise we should meet with none in the 
space of six days’ time. Hereupon we went every one of us 
the distance of a quarter-of-a-mile from the embarcadero to 
a little pond to fill our water in calabashes, making what haste 
we could back to our canoe. But, when we retuined, we 
found not one of our men, they all being departed and already 
got out of sight. Such is the procedure of these wild men 
that they care not in the least whom they lose of their com- 
pany or leave behind. We were now more troubled in our 
minds than before, fearing lest we should fall into the same 
misfortune we had so lately overcome. 

Hereupon we rowed after them as fast as we possibly could, 
but all in vain. For here are found such huge numbers of 
islands, greater and lesser, as also quays about the mouth of 
the river, that it was not difficult for us, who were un- 
acquainted with the river, to lose ourselves a second time 
amongst them. Yet notwithstanding, though with much 
trouble and toil, we found at last that mouth of the river 
that is called by the Spaniards Boca Chica, or The Little 
Mouth. But, as it happened, it was now young flood, and the 


stream ran very violently against us ; so that, though we were 
not above a stone’s cast from the said mouth, and this was 
within a league broad, yet we could not by any means come 
near it. Hence we were forced to put ashore, which we did 
accordingly, until high-water. We hauled our canoe close 
by the bushes, and, when we got out, we fastened our rope 
to a tree, which the tide had almost covered, for it flows 
here nearly four-fathom deep. 

As soon as the tide began to turn, we rowed away from 
there to an island, distant about a league and a half from the 
mouth of the river, in the Gulf of San Miguel. Here in the 
gulf it went very hard with us whensoever any wave dashed 
against the sides of our canoe, for it was nearly twenty-feet 
in length and yet not quite one-foot-and-a-half in breadth 
where it was at the broadest, so that we had only just room 
enough to sit down in her, and a little water would easily have 
both filled and overwhelmed us. At the island aforesaid we 
took up our resting-place for that night, though it was, from 
the loss of our company and the great dangers we were in, 
the sorrowfullest night that until then I had ever experienced: 
in my whole life. For it rained impetuously all night long, 
insomuch that we were wet from head to foot and had not 
one dry thread about us; neither, through the violence of 
the rain, were we able to keep any fire burning wherewith 
to warm or dry ourselves. The tide ebbs here a good half- 
mile from the mark of high-water, and leaves bare wonderfully 
high and sharp-pointed rocks. We passed this heavy and 
tedious night without one minute of sleep, being all very 
sorrowful to see ourselves so far and remote from the rest of 
our companions, as also totally destitute of all human com- 
fort ; for a vast sea surrounded us on one side and the mighty 
power of our enemies, the Spaniards, on the other. Neither 
. could we descry at any hand the least thing to relieve us, all 
that we could see being the wide sea, high mountains, and 
rocks; while we ourselves were confined to an egg-shell, 
instead of a boat, without so much as a few clothes to defend 
us from the injuries of the weather. For at that time none of 
us had a shoe to our feet. We searched the whole quay to 
see if we could find any water, but found none. 


Shipwreck of Mr Ringrose, the author of this narrative. He 
is taken by the Spaniards, and miraculously by them pre- 
served. Several other accidents and disasters which befell 
him after the loss of his companions tall he found them again. 
Description of the Gulf of Vallona 

On Monday, April 19th, at break of day, we hauled our 
canoe into the water again, and departed from the island 
aforementioned : wet and cold as we were, we rowed away 
towards the Punta de San Lorenzo, or Point St Lawrence. 
In our way we met with several islands which lie straggling 
thereabouts. But now we were again so hard put to it by 
the smallness of our vessel and being in an open sea, that it had 
become the work of one man, yea sometimes of two, to cast 
out the water, which came in on all sides of our canoe. After 
struggling for some time with these difficulties, as we came 
near one of those islands a heavy sea overturned our boat, 
by which means we were all forced to swim for our lives. But 
we soon got to the shore, and to the same place our canoe 
came tumbling after us. Our arms were very fast lashed 
to the inside of the boat, and our locks were as well cased 
and waxed down as was possible ; so were also our cartouche- 
boxes and powder-horns. But all our bread and fresh water 
was utterly spoilt and lost. 

Our canoe being tumbled on shore by the force of the waves, 
our first business was to take out and clear our arms. This 
we had scarcely done when we saw another canoe fall into the 
same misfortune at a little distance to leeward of us, amongst 
a great number of rocks that bounded the island. The 
persons that were cast away proved to be six Spaniards of 
the garrison of Santa Maria, who had found an old canoe 
and had followed us to escape the cruelty of the Indians. 



They presently came to us, and made us a fire ; which being 
done, we got our meat and broiled it on the coals, and all 
of us ate amicably together. But we stood in great need of 
water, or other drink to our victuals, not knowing in the 
least where to get any. Our canoe was thrown up by the 
waves to the edge of the water, and there was no great fear 
of its splitting, being full six inches in thickness, on the sides 
thereof. But that in which the Spaniards came split itself 
against the rocks, being old and slender, into an hundred 
pieces. Though we were thus shipwrecked and driven ashore, 
as I have related, yet otherwise and at other times is this 
Gulf of San Miguel a mere mill-pond for smoothness of water. 

My company was now altogether for returning and pro- 
ceeding no farther, but rather for living amongst the Indians, 
in case we could not reach the ships we had left behind us 
in the Northern Sea. But with much ado I prevailed with 
them to go forward at least one day longer, and, in case we 
found not our people the next day, that then I would be willing 
to do anything which they should think fit. Thus we spent 
two or three hours of the day in consulting about our affairs, 
and withal keeping a man to watch and look out on all sides 
for fear of any surprisal by the Indians or other enemies. 
About the time that we were come toa conclusion in our debates, 
our watchman by chance spied an Indian, who, as soon as 
he saw us, ran into the woods. I sent immediately two of 
my company after him, who overtook him, and found that he 
was one of our friendly Indians. Thus he led them to a place 
not far distant where seven more of his company were with 
a great canoe which they had brought with them. They came 
to the place where I was with the rest of my company, and 
seemed to be glad to meet us on that island. I asked them by 
signs for the main body of our company, and they gave me 
to understand that if we would go with them in their canoe, 
which was much bigger than ours, we should be up with the 
party by the next morning. This news, as may easily be 
supposed, not a little rejoiced our hearts. 

Presently, after this friendly invitation, they asked who 
the other six men were whom they saw in our company, for 
they easily perceived us not to be all of one and the same coat 
and lingua. We told them they were ‘ Wankers’, which is 
the name they commonly give to the Spaniards in their own 


language. Their next question was, if they should kill those 
Spaniards ; but I answered them: No, by no means ; I would 
not consent to have it done. With which answer they seemed 
to be satisfied for the present. But, a little while after, my 
back being turned, my company thinking that they should 
thereby oblige the Indians, beckoned to them to kill the 
Spaniards. With this the poor creatures, perceiving the 
danger that threatened them, made a sad shriek and outcry, 
and I came in time to save all their lives. But withal I was 
forced to give way and consent that they should have one 
of them for to make their slave. Hereupon I gave the canoe 
that I came in to the five Spaniards remaining, and bid them 
get away and shift for their lives, lest those cruel Indians 
should not keep their word, and they should run the same 
danger again they had so lately escaped. Having sent them 
away whilst I rested myself here, I took a survey of this 
gulf and the mouth of the river, which I finished the same 
day, and do here present to the view of the reader. 

But now, thanks be to God, joining company with those 
Indians, we got intoa very large canoe, which for its bigness 
was better able to carry twenty men than our own that we had 
brought to carry five. The Indians had also fitted a very 
good sail to the said canoe, so that, having now a fresh and 
strong gale of wind, we set sail thence, and made therewith 
brave way, to the infinite joy and comfort of our hearts, 
seeing ourselves so well accommodated and so happily rid 
of the miseries we but lately had endured. We had now a 
smooth and easy passage after such tedious and laboursome 
pains as we had sustained in coming so far since we left Santa 
Maria. Under the point of St Lawrence, mentioned above, 
is a very great rippling of the sea, occasioned by a strong 
current which runs hereabouts, and which often almost filled 
our boat with its dashes as we sailed. This evening, after 
our departure from the island where we were cast away, it 
rained vehemently for several hours, and the night proved 
to be very dark. About nine o’clock that night we descried 
two fires on the shore of the continent over against us. These 
fires were no sooner perceived by the Indians of our canoe 
than they began to shout for joy and cry out, Caplain Antonio, 
Captain Andreas, the names of their Indian Captains and 
leaders ; and to affirm they were assured those fires were made 


by their companions. Hence they made for the shore towards 
those fires as fast as they could drive. But, so soon as our 
canoe came among the breakers nigh the shore, out came 
from the woods about three-score Spaniards with clubs and 
other arms, and, laying hold of our canoe on both sides thereof, 
hauled it out of the water quite dry; so that by this means 
we were all suddenly taken and made their prisoners. I 
laid hold of my gun, thinking to make some defence for my- 
self ; but all was in vain, for they suddenly seized me between 


four or five of them and hindered me from action. Meanwhile 
our Indians leaped overboard, and got away very nimbly 
into the woods, my companions standing amazed at what 
had happened and the manner of our surprisal. I asked 
them presently if any of them could speak either French or 
English ; but they answered: No. MHereupon, as well as 
I could I discoursed to some of them, who were more intelli- 
gent than the rest, in Latin, and by degrees came to under- 
stand their condition. These were Spaniards who had been 


turned ashore here by our English party, who left them upon 
this coast lest by carrying them nearer to Panama any of 
them should make their escape and discover our march: 
towards that city. They had me, presently after I was taken, 
into a small hut which they had built, covered with boughs, 
and made there great shouts for joy, because they had taken 
us, designing in their minds to use us very severely for coming 
into those parts, and especially for taking and plundering 
their town of Santa Maria. But, while the captain of those 
Spaniards was examining me, in came the poor Spaniard that 
was come along with us, and reported how kind I had been 
to him and the rest of his companions, by saving their lives 
from the cruelty of the Indians. 

The captain, having heard him, arose from his seat immedi- 
ately and embraced me, saying that we Englishmen were very 
friendly enemies and good people, but that the Indians were 
very rogues and a treacherous nation. Withal he desired me 
to sit down by him, and to eat part of such victuals as our 
companions had left them when they were turned ashore. 
Then he told me that for the kindness I had showed to his 
countrymen he gave us all our lives and liberties, which other- 
wise he would certainly have taken from us. And, though 
he could scarcely be persuaded in his mind to spare the Indians’ 
lives, yet for my sake he pardoned them all, and I should have 
them with me in case I could find them. Thus he bid me like- 
wise take my canoe, and go in God’s name, saying withal he 
wished us as fortunate as we were generous. Hereupon I took 
my leave of him, after some little stay, though he invited me 
to tarry all night with him. I searched out, and at last found, 
my Indians, who for fear had hid themselves in the bushes 
adjoining to the neighbouring woods where they lay concealed. 
Having found them, the Captain led me very civilly down to 
the canoe, bidding my companions and the Indians get in 
after me: as they at first hauled us ashore, so now again they 
pushed us off to sea, by a sudden and strange vicissitude of 
fortune. All that night it rained very hard, as was men- 
tioned above ; neither durst we put ashore any more at any 
place, it being all along such as by mariners is commonly called 
an “‘ iron coast ’’. 

The next morning being come, we sailed, and paddled, or 
rowed, till about ten o’clock. At which time we espied a 


canoe making towards us with all speed imaginable. Being 
come up with us, and in view, it proved to be of our own 
English Company, who, mistaking our canoe for a Spanish 
periagua, was coming in all haste to attack us. We were 
infinitely glad to meet them, and they presently conducted 
us to the rest of our company, who were at that instant 
coming from a deep bay which lay behind a high point of 
rocks, where they had lain at anchor all that night and 
morning. We were all mutually rejoiced to see one another 
again, they having given both me and my companions up 
for lost. 


The Buccaneers prosecute their voyage, till they come within 
sight of Panama. They take several barks and prisoners 
by the way. Ave descried by the Spaniards before their 
arrival. They order the Indians to kill the prisoners 

Irom the place where we rejoined our -English forces we all 
made our way towards a high hummock of land, as it appeared 
at a distance, but was nothing else than an island seven leagues 
distant from the bay aforementioned. On the highest part 
of this island the Spaniards keep a watch or ‘look-out’ 
(for so it is termed by the seamen) for fear of pirates or other 
enemies. That evening we arrived at the island, and, being 
landed, went up a very steep place till we came to a little 
hut where the watchman lodged. We took by surprizal the 
old man who watched in the place but happened not to see 
us till we were got into his plantain walk before the lodge. 
He told us in his examination that we were not as yet descried 
by the Spaniards of Panama or any others that he knew, 
which relation of the old fellow much encouraged us to go 
forwards with our design of surprising that rich city. This 
place, if I took its name rightly, is called Farol de Plantanos, 
or, in English, Plantain-Watch. 

Here, not long before it was dark that evening, a certain 
bark came to an anchor at the outward side of the island 
which instantly was descried by us. Hereupon we speedily 
manned out two canoes, who went under the shore and 
surprised the said boat. Having examined the persons that 
were on board, we found she had been absent the space of 
eight days from Panama, and had landed soldiers at a point 
of land not far distant from this island, with intention to fight 
and curb certain Indians and negroes who had done much hurt 
in the country thereabouts. The bark being taken, most of 


or re 

oe — a 


our men endeavoured to get into her, but more especially 
those who had the lesser canoes. Thus there embarked 
thereon to the number of 137 of our company, together with 
that sea-artist and valiant commander, Captain Bartholomew 
Sharp. With him went also on board Captain Cook, whom 
we mentioned at the beginning of this history. The remaining 
part of that night we lay at the quay of the said island, 
expecting to prosecute our voyage the next day. 

Morning being come, I changed my canoe and embarked 
myself on another, which, though it was something lesser 
than the former, yet was furnished with better company. 
Departing from the island, we rowed all day long over shoal- 
water, at the distance of about a league from land, having 
sometimes not above four-foot water and white ground. 
In the afternoon we descried a bark at sea, and instantly 
gave her chase. But the canoe wherein was Captain Harris 
happened to come up the first with her, who, after a sharp 
dispute, took her. Being taken, we put on board the said 
bark 30 men. But the wind would not suffer the other bark, 
in chasing, to come up with us. This pursuit of the vessel 
did so far hinder us in our voyage, and divide us asunder, 
that, night soon coming on, we lost one another and could 
no longer keep in a body together. Hereupon we laid our 
canoe ashore, to take up our rest for that night at the distance 
of two miles, more or less, from high-water mark, and about 
four leagues to leeward of the island of Chepillo, to which 
place our course was then directed. 

The next morning, as soon as the water began to float us, 
we rowed away for the forementioned island Chepillo, where 
by assignation our general rendezvous was to be. On our 
way as we went, we spied another bark under sail, as we had 
done the day before. Captain Coxon’s canoe was now the 
first that came up with this vessel. But, a young breeze 
freshening at that instant, she got away from him after the 
first onset, killing in the said canoe one Mr Bull and wounding 
two others. We presently conjectured that this bark would 
get before us to Panama, and give intelligence of our coming 
to those of the town; all which happened as we had fore- 
seen. It was two o’clock in the afternoon before all our 
canoes could come together and join one another, as it was 
assigned at Chepillo. We took at that island fourteen prisoners, 


between negroes and mulattos ; also great store of plantains 
and good water, together with two fat hogs. But now, be- 
lieving that ere this we had been already descried at Panama 
by the bark aforementioned, we resolved among ourselves 
to waste no time, but to hasten away from the said island, 
to the intent we might at least be able to surprise and take 
their shipping, and by that means make ourselves masters of 
those seas, in case we could not get the town which now we 
judged almost impossible to be done. At Chepillo we took 
also a periagua which we found at anchor before the island, 
and presently we put some men on board her. Our stay 
here was only of few hours, so that about four o’clock in the 
evening, which now was coming on, we rowed away, designing 
to reach Panama before the next morning, to which place we 
had now only seven leagues to go, it being no farther distant 
from Chepillo. But, before we departed from the said island, 
it was judged convenient by our Commanders, for certain 
reasons which I could not dive into, to rid their hands of.the 
prisoners which we had taken. And hereupon orders were 
given unto our Indians, who they knew would perform them 
very willingly, to fight, or rather to murder and slay, the said 
prisoners upon the shore, and that in view of the whole fleet. 
This they instantly went about to do, being glad of this 
opportunity to revenge their hatred against their enemies, 
though in cold blood. But the prisoners, although they had 
no arms wherewith to defend themselves, forced their way 
through those barbarous Indians, in spite of their lances, 
bows, and arrows, and got into the woods of the island, only 
one man of them being killed. We rowed all night long, 
though many showers of rain ceased not to fall. 

— ae 


They arrive within sight of Panama. Are encountered by three 
small men-of-war. They fight them with only 68 men, and 
utterly defeat them, taking two of the said vessels. Description 
of that bloody fight. They take several ships at the isle of 
Perico before Panama 

THE next morning, which was on April 23rd, 1680, that day 
being dedicated to St George, our Patron of England, we 
came before sunrise within view of the city of Panama, which 
makes a pleasant show to the vessels that are at sea from 
off the shore. Soon after we saw also the ships belonging 
to the said city which lay at anchor at an island called Perico, 
distant only two leagues from Panama. On the aforesaid 
island are to be seen several storehouses which are built 
there, to receive the goods delivered out of the ships. At 
that present there rode at anchor at Perico five great ships 
and three pretty big barks, called Barcos de la Armadilla, 
or little men-of-war ; the word Armadiila signifying a Little 
Fleet. These had been suddenly manned with design to fight 
us, and prevent any further attempts we should make upon 
the city or coasts of those seas. As soon as they spied us, 
they instantly weighed anchor and got under sail, coming 
directly to meet us whom they expected very shortly, accord- 
ing to the intelligence they had received of our coming. Our 
two periaguas being heavy could not row so fast as we that 
were in the canoes, and hence we were got pretty far before 
them. In our five canoes (for so many we were now in com- 
pany) we had only 36 men, in a very unfit condition to fight, 
being tired with so much rowing, and so few in number in 
comparison with the enemy that came against us. They sailed 
towards us directly before the wind, insomuch that we feared 
lest they should run us down before it. Hereupon we rowed 

Y 321 


up into the wind’s eye, as the seamen term it, and got close 
to windward of them. While we were doing this, our lesser 
periaguas, in which were 32 or more of our company, came 
up with us. So that we were in all 68 men that were engaged 
in the fight of that day, the King himself, who was in the 
periagua aforementioned, being one of our number. In the 
vessel that was admiral of these three small men-of-war were 
fourscore and six Biscayners, who have the repute of being 
the best mariners and also the best soldiers amongst the 
Spaniards. These were all volunteers, who came designedly 
to show their valour, under the command of Don Jacinto de 
Barahona, who was High Admiral of those seas. In the 
second were 77 negroes, who were commanded by an old and 
stout Spaniard, a native of Andalusia in Spain, named Don 
Francisco de Peralta. In the third and last were 65 mestizos 
or mulattos or tawnymores, commanded by Don Diego de 
Carabaxal. So that in all they made the number of 228 men. 
The Commanders had strict orders given them, and their 
resolution was to give quarter to none of the Pirates or 
Buccaneers. But such bloody commands as these seldom 
or never do happen to prosper. 

The canoe of Captain Sawkins, and also that wherein I 
was, were much to leeward of the rest ; so that the ship of 
Don Diego de Carabaxal came between us two, and fired 
presently on me to windward, and on him to leeward, wound- 
ing with these broadsides four men in his canoe and one in 
that I was in; but he paid so dear for his passage between 
us that he was not very quick in coming about again and 
making the same way. For we killed with our first volley 
of shot several of his men upon the decks. Thus we also 
got to windward, as the rest were before. At this time the 
Admiral of the Avmadilla, or Little Fleet, came up with us 
suddenly, scarce giving us time to charge, and thinking to 
pass by us all with as little or less damage as the first of his 
ships had done. But, as it happened, it fell out much worse 
with him, for we were so fortunate as to kill the man at the 
helm, so that his ship ran into the wind, and her sails lay 
a-back, as is usually said in marinery. By this means we had 
time to come all up under his stern, and, firing continually 
into his vessel, we killed as many as came to the helm, besides 
which slaughter we cut asunder his main sheet and brace with 


our shot. At this time the third vessel, in which Captain 
Peralta was, was coming up to the aid of their general. Here- 
- upon Captain Sawkins, who had changed his canoe and was 
gone into the periagua, left the Admiral to us four canoes (for 
his own was quite disabled) and met the said Peralta. Between 
him and Captain Sawkins the dispute, or fight, was very hot, 
lying board on board together, and both giving and receiving 
death unto each other as fast as they could charge. While 
we were thus engaged, the first ship tacked about, and came 
up to relieve the Admiral. But we, perceiving that and fore- 
seeing how hard it would go with us if we should be beaten 
from the Admiral’s stern, determined to prevent his design. 
Hereupon two of our canoes, to wit Captain Springer’s and 
my own, stood off to meet him. He made up directly towards 
the Admiral, who stood upon the quarter-deck waving to 
him with a handkerchief so to do. But we engaged him so 
closely in the middle of his way, that had he not given us the 
helm and made away from us, we had certainly been on board 
him. We killed so many of them that the vessel had scarce 
men enough left alive or unwounded to carry her off. Yet, 
the wind now blowing fresh, they made shift to get away 
from us, and hereby saved their lives. 

The vessel which was to relieve the Admiral being thus 
put to flight, we came about again upon the Admiral, and all 
together gave a loud halloo, which was answered by our 
men in the ferzagua, though at a distance from us. At that 
time we came so close under the stern of the Admiral that we 
wedged up the rudder; and withal killed both the Admiral 
himself and the chief pilot of his ship, so that now they were 
almost quite disabled and disheartened likewise, seeing what 
a bloody massacre we had made among them with our shot. 
Hereupon, two-thirds of their men being killed and many 
others wounded, they cried for quarter, which had several 
times been offered unto them and as stoutly denied until 
then. Captain Coxon entered on board the Admiral, and took 
with him Captain Harris, who had been shot through both 
his legs, as he boldly adventured up along the side of the ship. 
This vessel being thus taken, we put on board her also all the 
rest of our wounded men, and instantly manned two of our 
canoes to go and aid Captain Sawkins, who now had been 
three times beaten from on board by Peralta, such valiant 


defence had he made. And indeed, to give our enemies 
their due, no men in the world did ever act more bravely 
than these Spaniards. 

Thus coming up close under Peralta’s sede we gave him a 
full volley of shot, and expected to have the like return from 
him again, but on a sudden we saw his men blown up that 
were abaft the mast—some of them falling on the deck, 
and others into the sea. This disaster was no sooner perceived 
by their valiant Captain Peralta than he leaped overboard, 
and, in spite of all our shot, got several of them into the ship 
again, though he was much burnt in both his hands himself. 
But, as one misfortune seldom comes alone, whilst he was 
recovering these men to reinforce his ship withal and renew 
the fight, another jar of powder took fire forward, and bléw up 
several others upon the forecastle. Among this smoke, and 
under cover thereof, Captain Sawkins laid them on board 
and took the ship. Soon after they were taken, I went on 
board Captain Peralta, to see what condition they were in, 
and indeed such a miserable sight I never saw in my life, 
for not one man there was found but was either killed, desper- 
ately wounded, or horribly burnt with powder, insomuch 
that their black skins were turned white in several places, 
the powder having torn it from their flesh and bones. Having 
compassionated their misery, I went afterwards on board the 
Admiral, to observe likewise the condition of his ship and 
men. Here I saw what did much astonish me, and will scarcely 
be believed by others than ourselves who saw it. There were 
found on board this ship but 25 men alive, whose number 
before the fight had been four-score-and-six, as was said 
above. So that three-score-and-one, out of so small a number, 
were destroyed in the battle. But, what is more, of these 
25 men only eight were able to bear arms, all the rest being 
desperately wounded, and by their wounds totally disabled 
to make any resistance or defend themselves. Their blood 
ran down the decks in whole streams, and scarce one place in 
the ship was found that was free from blood. 

Having possessed ourselves of these two Armadilla vessels, 
or little men-of-war, Captain Sawkins asked the prisoners 
how many men there might be on board the greatest ship 
that we could see, lying in the harbour of the island of Perico 
above-mentioned, as also in the others that were something 


aor ates te, > Wack Alecia 


smaller. Captain Peralta, hearing these questions, dissuaded 
him as much as he could from attempting them, saying that 
in the biggest alone there were 350 men, and that he would 
find the rest too well provided for defence against his small 
number. But one of his men, who lay a-dying upon the deck, 
contradicted him as he was speaking, and told Captain 
Sawkins there was not one man on board any of those ships 
that were in view; for they had all been taken out of them 
to fight us in these three vessels called the Armadilla, or Little 
Fleet. Unto this relation we gave credit, as proceeding from 
a dying man; and, steering our course to the island, we 
went on board them, and found, as he had said, not one person 
there. The biggest ship of these, which was called La Santis- 
sima Trinidad, or The Blessed Trinity, they had set on fire, 
made a hole in her, and loosened her foresail ; but we quenched 
the fire with all speed, and stopped the leak. This being done, 
we put our wounded men ‘on board her, and thus constituted 
her for the time being our hospital. 

Having surveyed our own loss and damages, we found 
that 18 of our men had been killed in the fight, and 22 were 
wounded. These three Captains against whom we fought 
were esteemed by the Spaniards to be the valiantest in all 
the South Seas. Neither was this reputation undeservedly 
conferred upon them, as may easily be inferred from the 
relation we have given of this bloody engagement. As the 
third ship was running away from the fight, she met with 
two more that were coming out to their assistance, but gave 
them so little encouragement that they returned back and 
dared not engage us. We began the fight about half-an-hour 
after sunrise, and by noon had finished the battle and quite 
overcome them. Captain Peralta, while he was our prisoner, 
would often break out in admiration of our valour, and say : 
Surely we Englishmen were the valiantest men in the whole 
world, who designed always to fight open, whilst all other nations 
invented all the ways imaginable to barricade themselves, and 
fight as close as they could. And yet, notwithstanding, we 
killed more of our enemies than they of us. 

Two days after our engagement, we buried Captain Peter 
Harris, a brave and stout soldier and a valiant Englishman, 
born in the county of Kent; whose death we very much 
lamented. He died of.the wounds he received in the battle, 


and besides him only one man more: all the rest of our 
wounded men recovered. Being now come before Panama, 
I here inquired of Don Francisco de Peralta, our prisoner, 
many things concerning the state and condition of this city 
and the neighbouring country, and he satisfied me in manner 



Description of the state and condition of Panama, and the parts 
adjacent. What vessels they took while they blocked up the 
said Port. Captain Coxon with 70 more return home. 
Sawkins is chosen in chief 

THE famous city of Panama is situated in the latitude of 
g degrees North. It stands in a deep bay, belonging to the 
South Sea. It is in form round, excepting only that part 
where it runs along the sea-side. Formerly it stood four 
miles more to the East, when it was taken by Sir Henry 
Morgan, as is related in the History of the Buccaneers. But 
then, being burnt, and three times more since that time by 
casualty, they removed it to the place where it now stands. 
Yet, notwithstanding, there are some poor people still in- 
habiting the old town, and the cathedral church is still kept 
there, the beautiful building whereof makes a fair show at 
a distance, like that of St Paul’s in London. This new city of 
which I now speak is much bigger than the old one, and is 
built for the most part of brick, the rest being of stone, and 
tiled. As for the churches belonging thereto, they are not as 
yet finished. These are eight in number, whereof the chief 
is called Santa Maria. The extent of the city comprehends 
better than a mile-and-a-half in length, and above a mile 
in breadth. The houses for the most part are three stories 
in height. It is well walled round about, with two gates 
belonging thereto, excepting only where a creek comes into 
the city, the which at high-water lets in barks, to furnish the 
inhabitants with all sorts of provisions and other necessaries. 
Here are always 300 of the King’s soldiers to garrison the 
city ; besides which number, their militia, of all colours, are 
1100. But, at the time that we arrived there, most of their 
soldiers were out of town, insomuch that our coming put the 



rest into great consternation, they having had but one night’s 
notice of our being in those seas. Hence we were induced 
to believe that, had we gone ashore instead of fighting their 
ships, we had certainly rendered ourselves masters of the 
place ; especially considering that all their chief men were on 
board the Admiral—I mean such as were undoubtedly the 
best soldiers. Round about the city, for the space of seven 
leagues, more or less, all the adjacent country is Savanna, as 
they call it in the Spanish language, that is to say, plain and 
level ground, as smooth as a sheet, for this is the signification 
of the word Savanna. Only here and there is to be seen 
a small spot of woody land, and everywhere this level ground 
is full of vacadas or beef stantions1, where whole droves of 
cows and oxen are kept, which serve as well as so many 
look-outs, or watch-towers, to descry if an enemy is approach- 
ing by land. The ground whereon the city stands is very 
damp and moist, which renders the place of bad repute for 
the concern of health. The water is also very full of worms, 
and these are much prejudicial to shipping; which is the 
cause that the King’s ships lie always at Lima, the capital 
city of Peru, unless when they come down to Panama to bring 
the King’s plate, which is only at such times as the fleet of 
galleons comes from Old Spain to fetch and convey it thither. 
Here, in one night after our arrival, we found worms of 
three-quarters of an inch in length, both in our bedclothes 
and other apparel. 

At the island of Perico above-mentioned we seized in all 
five ships ; of these, the first and biggest was named, as was 
said before, the Tvinidad, and was a great ship, of the burden 
of 400 tons. Her lading consisted of wine, sugar, sweetmeats 
(whereof the Spaniards in those hot countries make infinite 
use), skins, and soap. The second ship was of about 300 tons 
burden, and not above half laden with bars of iron, which is 
one of the richest commodities that are brought into the 
South Sea. This vessel we burnt with the lading in her, 
because the Spaniards pretended not to want that com- 
modity, and therefore would not redeem it. The third was 
laden with sugar, being of the burden of one-hundred and 
four-score tons, more or less. This vessel was given to be 
under the command of Captain Cook. The fourth was an 

1 Spanish estancia, a dwelling, ‘station’ for cattle. 

ae ee ee 


old ship of sixty tons burden, which was laden with flour of 
meal. This ship we likewise burnt with her lading, esteeming 
both bottom and cargo at that time to be useless to us. The 
fifth was a ship of 50 tons, which, with a periagua, Captain 
Coxon took along with him when he left us. 

Within two or three days after our arrival at Panama, 
Captain Coxon being much dissatisfied with some reflections 
which had been made upon him by our company, determined 
to leave us and return back to our ships in the Northern 
Seas by the same way he came thither. Unto this effect he 
persuaded several of our company, who sided most with 
him and had had the chief hand in his election, to fall off 
from us, and bear him company in his journey or march 
overland. The main cause of those reflections was his back- 
wardness in the last engagement with the Armadilla, concern- 
ing which point some sticked not to defame, or brand, him 
with the note of cowardice. He drew off with him threescore- 
and-ten of our men, who all returned back with him in the 
ship and periagua above-mentioned towards the mouth of the 
river of Santa Maria. In his company also went back the 
Indian King, Captain Antonio, and Don Andreas, who, being 
old, desired to be excused from staying any longer with us. 
However, the King desired we would not be less vigorous in 
annoying their enemy and ours, the Spaniards, than if he 
were personally present with us. And, to the intent we might 
see how faithfully he intended to deal with us, he at the same 
time recommended both his son and nephew to the care of 
Captain Sawkins, who was now our newly-chosen General or 
Commander-in-Chief in the absence of Captain Sharp. The 
two Armadilla ships which we took in the engagement we 
burnt also, saving no other thing of them both but their 
rigging and sails. With them also we burnt a small bark 
which came into the port laden with fowls and poultry. 

On Sunday, which was April 25th, Captain Sharp with his 
bark and company came in and joined us again. His absence 
was occasioned by want of water, which forced him to bear 
up to the King’s Islands. Being there, he found a new bark, 
which he at once took, and burnt his old one. This vessel 
did sail excellently well. Within a day or two after the 
arrival of Captain Sharp came in likewise the people of 
Captain Harris who were still absent. These had also taken 


another bark, and cut down the masts of their old one by the 
board, and thus without masts or sails turned away the 
prisoners they had taken in her. The next day we took in 
like manner another bark which arrived from Nata, being 
laden with fowls, as before. In this bark we turned away 
all the meanest of the prisoners we had on board us. 

Having continued before Panama for the space of ten 
days, being employed in the affairs aforementioned, on 
May 2nd we weighed from the island of Perico, and stood off 
to another island, distant two leagues farther from thence, 
called Tavoga. On this island stands a town which bears the 
same name, and consists of a hundred houses, more or less. 
The people of the town had all fled on seeing our vessels 
arrive. While we were here, some of our men being drunk 
on shore happened to set fire to one of the houses ; which 
consumed twelve houses more before any could get ashore 
to quench it. To this island came several Spanish merchants 
from Panama, and sold us what commodities we needed, 
buying also of us much of the goods we had taken in their 
own vessels. They gave us likewise 200 pieces-of-eight for 
each negro we could spare them of such as were our prisoners. 
From this island we could easily see all the vessels that went 
out or came into the Port of Panama; and here we took 
likewise several barks that were laden with fowls. 

Kight days after our arrival at Tavoga we took a ship 
that was coming from Truxillo and bound for Panama. In 
this vessel we found 2000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, 
and 51,000 pieces-of-eight. This money had been sent from 
that city to pay the soldiers belonging to the garrison of 
Panama. From the said prize we had information given 
us that there was another ship coming from Lima with 
100,000 pieces-of-eight more ; which ship was to sail ten or 
twelve days after them, and which they said could not be 
long before she arrived at Panama. Within two days after 
this intelligence we took also another ship laden with flour 
from Truxillo, belonging to certain Indians, inhabitants 
of the same place or thereabouts. This prize confirmed what 
the first had told us of that rich ship, and said, as the others 
had done before, that she would be there in the space of eight 
or ten days. 

Whilst we lay at Tavoga, the President, that is to say the 


Governor, of Panama, sent a message by some merchants 
to us to know what we came for into those parts. To this 
message Captain Sawkins made answer: That we came to 
assist the King of Darien, who was the true Lord of Panama 
and all the country thereabouts. And that since we were come 
so far, there was no reason but that we should have some satis- 
faction. So that if he pleased to send us 500 pieces-of-eight for 
each man, and 1000 for each Commander, and not any farther 
to annoy the Indians but suffer them to use their own power 
and liberty as became the true and natural lords of the country, 
that then we would desist from all further hostilities and go away 
peaceably ; otherwise, that we should stay there, and get what 
we could, causing to them what damage was possible. By the 
merchants also that went and came to Panama we under- 
stood there lived then as Bishop of Panama one who had 
been formerly Bishop of Santa Martha, and who was prisoner 
to Captain Sawkins when he took the said place about four 
or five years past. The Captain having received this intelli- 
gence, sent two loaves of sugar to the Bishop as a present. 
On the next day the merchant who carried them, returning 
to Tavoga, brought to the Captain a gold ring for a retaliation 
of said present. And withal he brought a message to Captain 
Sawkins from the President above-mentioned, to know 
farther of him, since we were Englishmen, from whom we 
had our commission, and to whom he ought to complain for the 
damages we had already done them. To this message Captain 
Sawkins sent back for answer: That as yet all his company 
were not come together ; but that when they were come up we 
would come and visit him at Panama, and bring our commissions 
on the muzzles of our guns, at which time he should read them as 
plain as the flame of gunpowder could make them. 

At this island of Tavoga Captain Sawkins would fain have 
stayed longer, to wait for the rich ship above-mentioned that 
was coming from Peru; but our men were so importunate 
for fresh victuals that no reason could rule them, nor their 
own interest persuade them to anything that might conduce 
to this purpose. Hereupon, on May 15th, we weighed anchor, 
and sailed thence to the island of Otoque. Being arrived 
there, we lay by it while our boat went ashore and fetched off 
fowls and hogs and other things necessary for sustenance. 
Here at Otoque I finished a draft from point Garachine to 


the bay of Panama, etc. Of this I may dare to affirm that it 
is in general more correct and true than any the Spaniards 
have themselves, for which cause I have here inserted it, 
for the satisfaction of those that are curious in such things. 

From Otoque we sailed to the island of Cayboa, which is 
a place very famous for the pearl-fishery thereabouts, and is 
at the distance of eight leagues from another place called 
Puebla Nueva, on the mainland. In our way to this island 
we lost two of our barks, the one whereof had fifteen men 
in her, and the other seven. Being arrived, we cast anchor 
at the said island. 

EB, 0 Sanama ita 

acheoor 8 

ty Oy 


Captain Sawkins, Chief Commander of the Buccaneers, 1s 
killed before Puebla Nueva. They are repulsed from the 
said place. Captain Sharp chosen to be their leader. 
Many more of their company leave them and return home 

WHILE we lay at anchor before Cayboa our two Chief Com- 
manders, Captain Sawkins and Captain Sharp, taking with 
them threescore men, more or less, went in the ship of Captain 
Cook to the mouth of the river where Puebla Nueva is situated. 
The day of this action, as I find it quoted in my Journal, was 
May 22nd, 1679. When they came to the river’s mouth, they 
put themselves into canoes, and were piloted up the river 
towards the town by a negro who was one of our prisoners. 
I was chosen to be concerned in this action, but happened 
not to land, being commanded to remain in Captain Cook’s 
ship while they went up to assault the town. But here at 
Puebla Nueva the inhabitants were too well prepared for 
the reception of our party. For a distance of a mile below the 
town they had cut down great trees and laid them across 
the river, with design to hinder the ascent of any boats. 
In like manner on shore before the town itself they had 
raised three strong breastworks, and made other things for 
their defence. Here, therefore, Captain Sawkins, running 
up to the breastworks at the head of a few men, was killed : 
a man who was as valiant and courageous as any could be, 
and likewise, next to Captain Sharp, the best beloved of all 
our company or the most part thereof. Neither was this 
love undeserved by him, for we ought justly to attribute 
to him the greatest honour we gained in our engagement 
before Panama with the Spanish Armadilla, or Little Fleet, 
especially, considering that, as has been said above, Captain 



Sharp was by accident absent at the time of that great and 
bloody fight. 

We that remained behind on board the ship of Captain 
Cook carried her within the mouth of the river of Puebla 
Nueva, and entered close by the East: shore, which here is 
crowned with a round hill. Here within two stone’s cast of 
shore we had four fathom water. Within the point opens a 
very large and fine river, which falls from a sandy bay at a 
small distance thence. But, as we were getting in, being 
strangers to the place we unwittingly ran our ship aground, 
nigh to a rock which lies on the Westward shore: for the 
true channel of the said river is nearer to the East than the 
West shore. With Captain Sawkins, in the unfortunate 
assault of this place, there died two men more, and three 
were wounded in the retreat, which they performed to the 
canoes in pretty good order. On their way down the river 
Captain Sharp took a ship, whose lading consisted of indigo, 
otto, manteca, or butter, and pitch, and likewise burnt two 
vessels more, as being of no value. With this he returned on 
board our ships, much troubled in his mind, and grieved for 
the loss of so bold and brave a partner in his adventures as 
Sawkins had constantly shown himself to be. His death was 
much lamented, and occasioned another party of our men 
to mutiny and leave us, returning overland as Captain Coxon 
and his company had done before. 

Three days after the death of Captain Sawkins, Captain 
Sharp, who was now Commander-in-Chief, gave the ship 
which he had taken in the river of Puebla Nueva, which was 
of the burden of one hundred tons, more or less, to Captain 
Cook, to command and sail in—ordering withal that the old 
vessel which he had should go with those men that designed 
to leave us, their mutiny and our distraction being now grown 
very high. Hereupon Captain Sharp coming on board La 
Trinidad, the greatest of our ships, asked our men in full 
council who of them were willing to go or stay, and prosecute 
the design Captain Sawkins had undertaken, which was to 
remain in the South Sea and there to make a complete voyage ; 
after which, he intended to go home round about America, 
through the Strait of Magellan. He added withal that he 
did not as yet fear, or doubt in the least, but to make each 
man who should stay with him worth one thousand pounds 


eae iat hae eo 


by the fruits he hoped to reap of that voyage. All those 
who had remained after the departure of Captain Coxon, 
for love of Captain Sawkins and only to be in his company 
and under his conduct, thinking thereby to make their 
fortunes, would stay no longer, but pressed to depart. Among 
this number I acknowledge myself to have been one, being 
totally desirous in my mind to quit those hazardous adven- 
tures, and return homewards with those who were now 
going to leave us. Yet, being much afraid and averse to trust 
myself among wild Indians any farther, I chose rather to 
stay, though unwilling, and venture on that long and danger- 
ous voyage. Besides which danger of the Indians, I con- 
sidered that the rains were now already up, and it would 
be hard passing so many gullies, which of necessity would 
then be full of water and consequently create more than one 
single peril to the undertakers of that journey. Yet, not- 
withstanding, 63 men of our company were resolved to 
encounter all these hardships, and to depart from us. Here- 
unto they took their leave of us, and returned homewards, 
taking with them the Indian King’s son and the rest of the 
Indians for their guides overland. They had, as was said 
above, the ship wherein Captain Cook sailed to carry them, 
and out of our provisions as much as would serve for treble 
their number. 

Thus on the last day of May they departed, leaving us 
employed about taking in water and cutting down wood at 
the island of Cayboa aforementioned, where this mutiny 
happened. Here we caught very good tortoises and red-deer. 
We killed also alligators of a very large size, some of them 
being above twenty-feet in length. But we could not find 
but that they were very fearful of a man, and would fly from 
us very hastily when we hunted them. This island lies 
S.S.E. from the mouth of the river above-mentioned. On the 
South-east side of the island is a shoal, or spit, of sand, which 
stretches itself the space of a quarter-of-a-league into the sea. 
Here, therefore, just within this shoal, we anchored in fourteen 
fathom water. The island on this side thereof makes two 
great bays, in the first of which we watered at a certain pond 
not distant above the cast of a stone from the bay. In this 
pond, as I was washing myself and standing under a man- 
canilla tree, a small shower of rain happened to fall on the 


tree, and thence dropped on my skin. These drops caused 
me to break out all over my body into red spots, of which 
I was not well for the space of a week after. Here I ate very 
large oysters, the biggest that ever I ate in my life, insomuch 
that I was forced to cut them into four pieces, each quarter 
of them being a good mouthful. 

Three days after the departure of the mutineers Captain 
Sharp ordered us to burn the ship that they hitherto had 
sailed in, only out of design to make use of the ironwork 
belonging to the said vessel. Withal, we put all the flour 
that was her lading into the last prize, taken in the river of 
Puebla Nueva, and Captain Cook, as was said before, was 
ordered to command her. But the men belonging to his 
company would not sail any longer under his command. 
Hereupon he quitted his vessel and came on board our Admiral, 
the great ship above-mentioned, called La Trinidad, deter- 
mining to rule over such unruly company no longer. In his 
place was put one whose name was John Cox, an inhabitant 
of New England, who forced kindred, as was thought, upon 
Captain Sharp, out of old acquaintance, in this conjuncture 
of time, only to advance himself. Thus he was made, as it 
were, Vice-Admiral to Captain Sharp. The next day three 
of our prisoners, viz. an Indian, who was Captain of a 
ship, and two mulattos ran away from us, and made their 

After this it was thought convenient to send Captain 
Peralta prisoner in the Admiral, on board the ship of Mr 
Cox. This was done to the intent he might not hinder the 
endeavours of Captain Juan, who was Commander of the 
money-ship we took, as was mentioned, at the island of 
Tavoga. For this man had now promised to do great things 
for us, by piloting and conducting us to several places of great 
riches, but more especially to Guayaquil, where he said we 
might lay down our silver and lade our vessels with gold. 
This design was undertaken by Captain Sawkins, and had 
not the head-strongness of his men brought him to the island 
of Cayboa, where he lost his life, he had certainly effected it 
before now. That night we had such thunder and lightning 
as I never had heard before in all my life. Our prisoners 

1 Tt does not seem to occur to the writer that his ‘ red spots’ were 
more probably due to the oysters than to the rain | 


Vv ee ae ee 


told us that in these parts it very often causes great damages 
both by sea and land. And my opinion led me to believe 
that our mainmast received some damage on this occasion. 
The rainy season being now entered, the wind for the most 
part was at N.W., though not without some calms. 


They depart from the island of Cayboa to the isle of Gorgona, 
where they careen their vessels. Description of this isle. 
They resolve to go and plunder Arica, leaving their design of 

HAVING got in all things necessary for navigation, we were 
now in readiness to depart on Sunday, June 6th, 1680. That 
day some rain fell, which now was very frequent in all places. 
About five o’clock in the evening we set sail from the island 
of Cayboa, with a small breeze, the wind being at $.S.W. 
Our course was E.S. by E. and S.E. having all night a very 
small, or little, wind. The same calmness of weather con- 
tinued all the next day, insomuch, that we lay and drove 
only as the current horsed us to N.W. 

Little better than a calm we had also the third day of our 
navigation. Meanwhile a current drove us to the Westward. 
About sunrising we descried Quicara, which at that time bore 
N.W. by W. from us at the distance of five leagues, more or 
less. With the rising of the sun an easy gale of wind sprang 
up, so that at noon we had altered our bearing, which was 
then N. by E. being six leagues distant, and appearing thus, 
as is underneath demonstrated. 


QUICARA LAT. 4 Due. 4°: N, 

These are two several islands, whereof the least is to the 
Southward of the other. The land is a low table-land, these 
islands being more than three leagues in length. About six 
o’clock that evening we were nigh ten leagues distant W.S.W. 
from them. Much like the former weather we had the fourth 


ee ee et ae 


day of our sailing, with little wind in the forenoon and rather 
less than more in the afternoon. I judged, about the middle 
of the day, we were at the distance of twenty leagues S.S.W. 
from the said islands. 

Thursday, June roth, we had very small and variable 
winds. This day I reckoned that we had made hitherto a 
S. by E. way, anda S. by W. from our departure, being driven 
by a current, according to the observation I made, into 
lat. 6° 30’. 

This day we saw many tortoises floating upon the sea. 
Hereupon we hoisted out our boat, and came to one of them, 
who offered not to stir until she was struck, and even then 
not to sink to the bottom but rather to swim away. The sea 
hereabouts is very full of several sorts of fish, as dolphins, 
bonitos, albicores!, mullets, and old wives?, etc., which came 
swimming about our ship in whole shoals. The next day, 
which was Friday, we had likewise very little wind, which 
was no more than we had all Thursday night, with some 
showers of rain. That day we had an observation which was 
lat. 6° N. In the evening a fresh wind came up at S.W., 
our course being S.S.E. On Saturday we had in like manner, 
about seven in the morning, a fresh breeze at S. So we stood 
W.S.W. with cloudy weather, and several showers of rain. 
This day our Spanish prisoners informed us we must not 
expect any settled wind until we came within the latitude of 
three degrees, for all along the Western shore of these seas 
there is little wind, which is the cause that those ships that 
go from Acapulco to the islands called De las Philipinas, do 
coast along the shore of California, until they get into the 
height of 45 degrees, yea, sometimes of 50 degrees latitude. 
As the wind varied, so we tacked several times, thereby to 
make the best of our way that was possible to the Southward. 

As our prisoners had informed us, so we found it by experi- 
ence. For on the next day, which was Sunday, June 13th, 
we had very little wind, and most commonly none, for the 
space of twenty-four hours. That day we tried the current 

1 Span. albacore, a large species of tunny found in West Indian seas : 
cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1579], vol. I, ii, 100: ‘*. , . the fish which is 
called albocore, as big as a salmon.” 

* The wrasse, or sea-cream. Monfet, Health’s Improv. [1655]: “ Of 
fresh-water fish. . Old wives (because of their mumping and soure 

countenance.’ P. “Browne, Jamaica [1756]: ‘“‘A saying That an Old 
Wife is the best of fish, and worst of flesh.” 


of the sea, and found it very strong to the eastward. The 
same day we had much rain, and in the afternoon a small 
breeze at W., and W.S.W., but mostly at W. Yet, notwith- 
standing all this calmness of weather, the next day in the 
morning very early, by a sudden gale of wind which arose we 
made shift to split our main top-sail. We had all the night 
before and that day continued and incessant showers of rain, 
and made a S.W. and by S. way ; seeing all along as we went 
a multitude of dolphins, bonitos, and several other sorts of 
fish floating upon the seas, whereof in the afternoon we caught 
many, the weather being now changed from stormy to calm 
again—insomuch that we could fish as we sailed along, or 
rather as we lay tumbling in the calm. 

Tuesday, June 15th, the morning continued calm as the day 
before; and this day also we saw multitudes of fish of several 
sorts, whereof we caught some for our table, as we were wont 
to do. By an observation which was made this day, we 
found ourselves to be now in lat. 4° 21’. At this time the 
course of our navigation and our whole design was to go 
and careen our vessels at the islands commonly called by the 
Spaniards De los Galapagos, that is to say ‘ of the Tortoises ’, 
being so denominated from the infinite number of those 
animals swarming and breeding thereabouts. These islands 
are situated under the equinoctial line at the distance of 
100 leagues, more or less, from the main continent of America, 
in the South Sea. In the afternoon of this day we had a small 
breeze to push us forwards. 

June 16th, being Wednesday, we made our way this day, 
and for the four-and-twenty hours last past, E.S.E., with 
much rain, which ceased not to fall, as in all this voyage, 
since our departure from Cayboa. This day likewise we 
caught several dolphins and other sorts of fish, but in the even- 
ing we had again a fresh breeze at S. by W., our course being, 
aS was just now said, E.S.E. 

The next day, which was June 17th, about five in the 
morning we descried land, which appeared all along to be 
very low, and likewise full of creeks and bays. We instantly 
asked our pilot what land that was before us ; but he replied 
he knew it not. Hereupon, being doubtful of our condition, 
we called Mr Cox on board us, who brought Captain Peralta 
with him. This gentleman, being asked, presently told us 


the land we saw was the land of Barbacoa, being almost a 
wild country all over. Withal he informed us that to leeward 
of us, at the distance of ten leagues or thereabouts, did lie 
an island called by the name of Gorgona, which island, he 
said, the Spaniards did shun, and very seldom come nigh to, 
by reason of the incessant and continual rains there falling, 
scarce one day in the year being dry at that place. Captain 
Sharp, having heard this information of Captain Peralta, 
judged the said island might be the fittest place for our com- 
pany to careen at, considering that, if the Spaniards did not 
frequent it, we might in all probability lie there undescried, 
and our enemies the Spaniards in the meantime might think 
that we were gone out of those seas. At this time it was that 
I seriously repented my staying in the South Seas and that 
I did not return homewards in company of them that went 
before us. For I knew, and could easily perceive, that by 
these delays the Spaniards would gain time and be able to 
send advice of our coming to every port all along the coast, 
so that we should be prevented in all or most of our attempts 
and designs wheresoever we came. But those of our com- 
pany who had got money by the former prizes of this voyage 
over-swayed the others who had lost all their booty at 
gambling. Thus we bore away for the island aforesaid of 
Gorgona, and at the distance of six leagues and a half, at 
S.W.I. observed it to make the appearance following. 


On the mainland over against this island of Gorgona we 
were told by our prisoners that up a great laguna, or lake, is 
seated an Indian town, where they have great quantity of 
sand-grains of gold. Moreover, that, five days’ journey up 
a river belonging to the said laguna, do dwell four Spanish 
superintendents, who have each of them the charge of over- 
seeing 50 or 60 Indians who are employed in gathering that 


gold which slips from the chief collectors, or finders, thereof. 
These are at least threescore and ten or fourscore Spaniards, 
with a great number of slaves belonging to them, who dwell 
higher up than these four superintendents, at a distance of 
twenty-five or thirty days’ journey on the said river. That 
once every year, at a certain season, there comes a vessel from 
Lima, the capital city of Peru, to fetch the gold that here is 
gathered, and to bring to these people such necessaries as 
they want. By land it is nothing less than six-weeks’ travel 
from thence to Lima. 

The mainland to windward of this island is very low and 
full of rivers. All along the coast it rains most desperately. 
The island is only 4 leagues distant from the continent. 
While we lay at it, I took the whole circumference thereof, 
which is according to what is here underneath described. 

Captain Sharp gave to this island the name of Sharp’s 
Isle, by reason we careened at this place. We anchored on 
the South side of the island, at the mouth of 2. very fine river, 
which there disgorges itself into the sea. There belong to 
this island about thirty rivers and rivulets, which all fall 
from_the rocks on the several sides of the island. The whole 

Ce Se ee 



circumference thereof is about  three-leagues-and-a-half, 
being all high and mountainous land, excepting only on that 
side where we cast anchor. Here therefore we moored our 
ship in the depth of eighteen or twenty fathom water, and 
began to unrig the vessel. But we were four or five days’ 
space before we could get our sails dry so as to be able to take 
them from the yards, there falling a shower of rain almost 
every hour of the day and night. The mainland to the East 
of the island, and so stretching northward, is extremely high 
and towering, and perpetually clouded, excepting only at 
the rising of the sun, at which time the tops of those hills are 
clear. From the South side of this island where we anchored, 
as was said above, we could see the lowland of the main, at 
least a point thereof which lies nearest to the island. The 
appearance it makes is as it were of trees growing out of the 

Friday, July 2nd, as we were heaving down our ship, our 
mainmast happened to crack. Hereupon our carpenters were 
constrained to cut out large fishes, and fish it, as the usual 
terms of that art do name the thing. 

On the next day after the mischance of our mainmast, we 
killed a snake which had fourteen inches in circumference 
and eleven feet in length. About the distance of a league from 
this island runs a ledge of rocks, over which the water con- 
tinually breaks—the ledge being about two miles, more or 
less, in length. Had we anchored but half-a-mile more 
northerly, we had ridden in much smoother water ; for here 
where we were the wind came in upon us in violent gusts. 
While we were there, from June 30th to July 3rd, we had 
dry weather, which was esteemed as a rarity by the 
Spaniards, our prisoners. And every day we saw whales and 
grampuses, who would often come and dive under our ship. 
We fired at them several times, but our bullets rebounded 
from their bodies. Our choice and best provisions here were 
Indian conies, monkeys, snakes, oysters, conchs, periwinkles, 
and a few small turtle, with some other sorts of good fish. 
Here in like manner we caught a sloth, a beast well deserving 
that name, given it by the Spaniards, by whom it is called 
pereza, from the Latin word pigritia. 

At this island died Josephe Gabriel, a Spaniard, born in 
Chile, who was to have been our pilot to Panama. He was 


the same man who had stolen and married the Indian King’s 
daughter, as was mentioned above. He had all along been 
very true and faithful to us in discovering several plots and 
conspiracies among our prisoners, either to get away or destroy 
us. His death was occasioned by a calenture, or malignant 
fever, which killed him after three days’ sickness, having lain 
two days senseless. During the time of our stay at this 
island we lengthened our topsails, and got up topgallant 
masts ; we made two staysails, and refitted our ship very 
well. But we wanted provisions extremely, as having nothing 
considerable of any sort but flour and water. Being almost 
ready to depart, Captain Sharp, our Commander, gave us to 
understand he had changed his resolution concerning the 
design of going to Guayaquil, for he thought it would be in 
vain to go thither considering that in all this time we must 
of necessity have been descried before now. Yet notwith- 
standing he himself before had persuaded us to stay. Being 
very doubtful among ourselves what course we should take, 
a certain old man who had long time sailed among the 
Spaniards told us he could carry us to a place called Arica, 
to which town, he said, all the plate was brought down from 
Potosi, Chiquisaca, and several other places within the land, 
where it was dug out of the mountains and mines, and that he 
doubted not but that we might get there of purchase at least 
2000 pounds every man. For all the plate of the South Sea 
lay there, as it were, in store, being deposited at the said place 
until such time as the ships did fetch it away. Being moved 
with these reasons, and having deliberated thereupon, we 
resolved in the end to go to the said place. At this island of 
Gorgona afore-mentioned we likewise took down our round- 
house coach, and all the high carved work belonging to the 
stern of the ship, for, when we took her from the Spaniards 
before Panama, she was high as any third-rate ship in England. 



The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Gorgona, with design to 
plunder Arica. They lose one another by the way. They 
touch at the Isle of Plate, or Drake’s Isle, where they meet 
again. Description of this isle. Some memoirs of Sir 
Francis Drake. An account of this voyage and the coasts all 
along. They sail as far in a fortnight as the Spaniards 
usually do in three months 

On Sunday, July 25th, in the afternoon, all things being now 
in readiness for our departure, we set sail, and stood away 
from the island of Gorgona, or Sharp’s Isle, with a small 
breeze which served us at N.W. But as the sun went down 
that day, so our breeze died away by degrees. Yet already 
we could begin to experiment that our ship sailed much 
better since the taking down of her round house and the 
other alterations which we made in her. 

The next day about two o’clock in the morning we had 
a land-breeze to help us, which lasted for the space of six 
hours, more or less. So that at noon we found ourselves to 
be five-leagues-and-a-half distant to the South-West from 
Gorgona. This day the Spaniards, our prisoners, told us, in 
common discourse, that in most part of this lowland coast 
they find three-score fathom water. In the afternoon we had 
a very strong land-breeze : meanwhile we continued making 
short trips off and in. That night we had much rain for the 
greatest part of the night, which occasioned the next morning, 
being the third day of our navigation, to be very cloudy 
until ten o’clock. About that hour it cleared up, and then 
we saw the island of Gorgona at E.N.E., being distant about 
12 leagues more or less from us. We had the wind all this 
day at S.W., where it continued, seldom varying above two 
points of the compass to the westwards. Night being come, 



about two o’clock Captain Sharp ordered me to speak to Cap- 
tain Cox and bid him go about and stand off from the shore, 
for he feared less Cox should come too nigh unto it. But he 
replied he knew well that he might stand in until two o’clock. 
The next day very early in the morning we saw him not, the 
morning being cloudy and stark calm. Yet notwithstanding 
at eight o’clock it cleared up, and neither then could we see 
him. Hence we concluded, and so it proved, that we had 
lost him in the obscurity of the night, through his obstinacy 
in standing in too long and not coming about when we spoke 
to him. Thus our Admiral’s ship was left alone, and we had 
not the company of Captain Cox any longer in this voyage, 
till we arrived at the Isle of Plate, where we had the good 
fortune to find him again, as shall be mentioned hereafter. 
The weather being clear this morning, we could see Gorgona, 
at a distance of at least 15 or 16 leagues to the E.N.E. All 
this day it continued calm till about four in the afternoon, 
at which time we had a W.S.W. wind, which continued to 
blow all that night. 

Thursday, July 29th, 1679. This day the wind continued 
pretty fresh all day long. About four in the afternoon we 
came within sight of the island Del Gallo, which I guessed 
to be nigh 28 leagues distant from that of Gorgona, the place 
of our departure S.W. It is about nine leagues distant E. 
from the main; so that the island with the mainland S.W. 
from it appears thus :-— 

J Ne ea es 
GALLO GAT. 25-12. Ns 

All this day the weather continued clear, and the wind 
W.S.W. ; 

The next day, July 30th, the wind blew very fresh and brisk, 
insomuch that we were in some fear for the heads of our low 
masts, being very sensible that they were but weak. About 
three or four in the afternoon we saw another island, 6 or 7 
leagues distant from Gallo, called Gorgonilla. At E. by S. 
from us it made the appearance which I have here adjoined. 
All the mainland hereabouts lies very low and flat, and is 


in very many places overflowed and drowned every high- 



On Saturday, July 31st, in the morning the island Del 
Gallo, at E.N.E. being distant about 8 leagues, gave us this 
appearance :— 

ee er 

GaLLo, Another Prospect thereof 

The point of Mangroves is a low and level point, running 
out S.S.W, This day, and the night before it, we lost by our 
computation 3 leagues of our way, which I believe happened 
because we stood out too far from the land, having stood off 
all night long. 

August Ist, which was Sunday, we had a very fresh wind at 
W.S.W. This was joined also with several small showers of 
rain which fell that day. In the meanwhile we got pretty 
well to windward with it, by making small trips to and fro, 
which we performed most commonly, by standing in three 
glasses and as many out. 

The next day, August 2nd, in the morning, we came up 
into the highland of Santiago, where begins the highland 
of this coast. We kept at the distance of ten leagues 
from it, making continual short trips, as was mentioned 
before. The next day likewise we continued to do the 
same. But the weather was cloudy and for the most part 
full of rain. 

Wednesday, August 4th, we continued still turning in the 
wind’s eye, as we had done for two days before. This day, 
in the afternoon, we discovered three hills at E.N.E. of our 
ship. These hills make the land of San Matteo, which gives 
this following appearance :— 




All the coast along hereabouts is highland. That evening 
also we saw the cape of San Francisco. At first this cape 
appeared like two several islands. But two hours after, at 
the distance of 12 leagues, at S. by W. it looked thus :— 



Thursday, August 5th, we being then about the cape, it 
looked very like unto Beachy Head in England. It is full 
of white cliffs on all sides. The land turns off here to E. of S., 
and makes a large and deep bay, the circumference whereof 
is full of pleasant hills. In the bight of the bay are two high 
and rocky islands, which represent exactly two ships with their 
sails full. We were now come out of the rainy countries into 
a pleasant and fair region, where we had for the most part 
a clear sky and dry weather. Only now and then we could 
here find a small mist, which soon would vanish away. Ina 
the meanwhile every night a great dew used to fall, which 
supplied the defect of rain. 

The two next days following we continued plying to wind- 
ward with fair weather, nothing else remarkable happening 
in them which might deserve any notice to be taken thereof. 

On Sunday, August 8th, we came close under a wild and 
mountainous country. This day likewise we saw Cape 
Passao at the distance of 10 leagues, more or less, to wind- 
ward of us. Ever since we came on this side Mangrove point 
we had observed a windward current did run all along as we 
sailed. Under shore the land is full of white cliffs and groves, 
lower towards the pitch of the cape. 

The next day we had both a fair day and a fresh wind to 
help us on our voyage. We observed that Cape Passao 

r a ae 


———. oS 



makes three points, between which are two bays. The 
leeward-most of the two is of the length of 3 leagues, and 
the other of 4. Adjoining unto the bays is seen a pleasant 
valley. Our prisoners informed us that northward of these 
capes live certain Indians, who sell maize and other pro- 
visions to any ships that happen to come in there. The Cape 
itself is a continuous cliff, covered with several sorts of shrubs 
and low bushes. Under these cliffs lies a sandy bay of the 
depth of 40 feet. The Spaniards say that the wind is always 
here between the S.S.W. and W.S.W. The cape represents 
with much likeliness the brow of an alligator or cayman. At 
S. Cape Passao appears thus :— 


CAPE Passao DAT ete! 80.00; 

Tuesday, August roth. This morning the sky was so thick 
and hazy that we could not see the highland, though it were 
just before us, and not altogether two leagues distant from us. 
But, as soon as it cleared up, we stood in towards the land 
until we came within a mile of the shore. Here, having 
sounded, we found seven-fathom-and-a-half of water, under 
which was a light and clayey ground. The coast all along is 
very mountainous and likewise full of high and towering 
cliffs. When we sounded, the tide was almost at low-water. 
Here it ebbs and flows nearly four fathom perpendicular. 
From this cape the land runs along S.E. for the space of three 
_ or four leagues, with huge highland cliffs, like those of Calais 
over against England. Being past this cape, the highland 
S. from us is Cape St Lawrence. 

August 11th we found ourselves N.N.W. from Monte de 
Christo, a very high and round hill. Thence to windward is 
seen a very pleasant country, with spots here and there of 
woody land, which cause the country all over to look like so 
many enclosures of ripe cornfields. To leeward of the said 
hill the land is all high and hilly, with white cliffs at the sea- 
side. The coast runs S.W. till it reaches to a point of land 


within which is the port of Manta, as it is called. This port 
of Manta is nothing else than a settlement of Spaniards and 
Indians together where ships that want provisions call in and 
are furnished with several necessaries. About 6 or 7 leagues 
to windward of this port is Cape St Lawrence, butting out 
into the sea, being in form like the top of a church. Monte de 
Christo gives this appearance at sea :— 



The cape rises higher and higher from the port of Manta. 
As we sailed along we saw multitudes of grampuses every 
day ; also water-snakes of divers colours. Both the Spaniards 
and Indians are very fearful of these snakes, believing there 
is no cure for their bitings. At the distance of eight leagues, 
or thereabouts, to leeward of Cape St Lawrence it appears 
thus :— 

Ee ae a i SB ASD reel ine Se, 10 


This day before night we came within sight of Manta. 
Here we saw the houses of the town belonging to the port, 
which were not above twenty or thirty Indian houses, lying 
under the windward and the mount. We were not willing 
to be descried by the inhabitants of the said place, and stood 
off to sea again. 

On Thursday, August 12th, in the morning, we saw the 
Island of Plate at S.W. at the distance of five-leagues, more 
or less. It appeared to us to be an even land. Having made 
this island, we resolved to go thither and refit our rigging, 
and get some goats which there run wild up and down the 
country. For, as was said before, at this time we had no 
other provision than flour and water. The island itself is 


sr tial es ett ilies ies a ieee anny ee ee 

oe ee 


indifferent highland and off at sea looks thus, as is here 
described :— 


IsLE OF PLATE LAT. 21.4245; 

But the highland of Cape Passao, of which we have spoken 
before, at the distance of 15 leagues to N., gives in several 
hummocks this appearance :— 


The land of Cape St Lawrence is all white cliffs, the head of 
the cape running N. and S. This day several great whales 
came up to us, and dived under our ship. One of these 
whales followed our ship from two in the afternoon till dark 

The next morning very early, at about six o’clock, we 
came under the aforesaid Isle of Plate, and here unexpectedly, 
to our great joy, we found at anchor the ship of Captain Cox 
with his whole company, whom we had lost at sea for the 
space of a whole fortnight before. We found they had reached 
this island, and had been there at anchor four days before 
us, being now just ready to depart thence. At about seven 
we came to anchor, and then the other vessel sent us a live 
tortoise and a goat to feast upon that day, telling us withal 
of great store of tortoises to be found ashore upon the bays 
and of much fish to be caught hereabouts. The island is very 
steep on all sides, insomuch that there is landing only on the 
N.E. side thereof, where is a gully, nigh unto which we 
anchored in 12 fathom water. Here at the distance of a 
furlong, or little more, from the shore as you go to land, you 
will see on the left hill a cross still standing there erected 
in former times. No trees are to be found on the whole 
island, but only low shrubs, on which the goats feed, which 
cattle is here very numerous. The shore is bold and hard, 
neither is there any water to be found upon it, excepting 


only on the S.W. side of the island, where it cannot be come 
at, lying so much enclosed by the rocks and too great a sea 
hindering the approach to it in boats. 

This island received its name from Sir Francis Drake and 
his famous actions, for here it is reported by tradition that he 
made the dividend, or sharing, of that quantity of plate 
which he took in the Avmada of this sea, distributing it to 
each man of his company by whole bowls full. The Spaniards 
affirm to this day that he took at that time twelve-score tons 
of plate and 16 bowls of coined money a man, his number 
then being 45 men in all—insomuch that they were forced 
to heave much of it overboard, because his ship could not 
carry it all. Hence was this island called by the Spaniards 
themselves the Isle of Plate, from this great dividend; and 
by us Drake’s Isle. 

All along as we sailed we found the Spanish pilots to be 
very ignorant of the coasts. But they plead thus much for 
their ignorance, that the merchants, their employers, either of 
Mexico, Lima, Panama, or other parts, will not entrust one 
pennyworth of goods on that man’s vessel that corks her, 
for fear she should miscarry. Here our prisoners told us like- 
wise that in the time of Oliver Cromwell, or the Commonwealth 
of England, a certain ship was fitted out of Lima with 70 
brass guns, having on board her no less than thirty millions 
of dollars, or pieces-of-eight, all which vast sum of money 
was given by the merchants of Lima, and sent as a present 
to our gracious King (or rather his father) who now reigneth, 
to supply him in his exile and distress; but that this great 
and rich ship was lost by keeping along the shore in the 
Bay of Manta above-mentioned, or thereabouts. What truth 
there may be in this history I cannot easily tell: at least it 
seems to me as scarce deserving any credit. 

At this island we took out of Mr Cox’s ship the old Moor 
(for of that nation he was) who pretended he would be our 
pilot to Arica. This was done lest we should have the mis- 
fortune of losing the company of Cox’s vessel, as we had 
done before, our ship being the biggest in burden and having 
the greatest number of men. Captain Peralta admired 
oftentimes that we were got so far to windward in so little 
space of time; whereas they had been, he said, many times 
three or four months in reaching to this distance from our 

ee en ee ee 

DO > ag a 



departure. Their long and tedious voyages, he added, were 
occasioned by their keeping at too great a distance from tke 
shore. Moreover, he told us, that had we gone to the islands 
of Galapagos, as we were once determined to'do, we had 
met in that voyage with many calms and such currents that 
many ships have by them been lost and never heard of to this 
day. This Island of Plate is about two-leagues in length, 
and very full of both deep and dangerous bays, as also such 
as we call gullies in these parts. The circumference and 
description of the said island is exactly thus :— 

SETA meee te 
eS alt YU 

SR Drakes J 
or fla dela Plata 


We caught at this island and salted good number of goats 
and tortoises. One man standing here on a little bay in one 
day turned 17 tortoises, besides which number our mosquito- 
strikers brought us in several more. Captain Sharp, our 
Commander, showed himself very ingenious in striking them, 
he performing it as well as the tortoise-strikers themselves. 
For these creatures here are so little fearful that they offer not 
to sink from the fishermen, but lie still until such time as they 
are struck. But we found that the tortoises on this side 
were not so large, nor so sweet to the taste, as those on the 
North side of the island. Of goats we have taken, killed, 
and salted, above 100 in a day, and that without any labour. 
While we stayed here we made a square maintopsail yard. 
We cut also six feet off our bowsprit, and three feet more off 
our head. Most of the time that we remair:ed here we had 
hazy weather. Only now and then the sun would happen to 
break out, and then to shine so hot that it burnt the skin off 
the necks of several of our men. As for me, my lips were 
burnt in such a manner that they were not well in a whole 
week afterwards. 


Capiain Sharp and his compaivy depart from the Isle of Plate in 
prosecution of their voyage towards Arica. They take two 
Spanish vessels by the way, and learn intelligence from the 
enemy. Eight of their company destroyed at the Isle of Gallo. 
Lediousness of this voyage, and great hardships they endured. 
Description of the coast all along, and their sailings 

FAvinG taken in at the isle of Plate what provisions and 
other necessaries we could get, we set sail thence on Tuesday, 
August 17th, 1679, in prosecution of our voyage and designs 
above-mentioned, to take and plunder the vastly rich town 
of Arica. This day we sailed so well, and the same we did 
for several others afterwards, that we were forced to lie by 
several times, besides reefing our topsails, to keep our other 
ship company, lest we should lose her again. 

The next morning, ebout break of day, we found ourselves 
to be at the distance of 7 or 8 leagues to the Westward of the 
island whence we had departed, standing W. by S. with a 
S. by W. wind. About noon that day we had laid the land. 
After dinner the wind came S.S.W. at which time we were 
torced to stay more than once for the other vessel belonging 
to our company. 

On the following day we continued in like manner a West 
course all the day long. Sometimes this day the wind would 
change, but then in a quarter-of-an-hour it would return to 
5.S.W. again. Hereabouts where we now were we observed 
great ripplings of the sea. 

August 2oth, yesterday in the afternoon about six o'clock, 
we stood in S.E., but all night and all this day, we had very 
small winds. We found still that we gained very much on 
the small ship, which did not a little both perplex and hinder 
us in our course. 



The next day likewise we stood in S.E. by S., though with 
very little wind, which sometimes varied, as was mentioned 
above. That day I finished two quadrants, each of which 
were two-feet-and-a-half radius. Here we had in like manner, 
as has been mentioned on other days of our sailings, very 
many dolphins, and other sorts of fish swimming about our 

On the morning following we saw again the island of Plate 
at N.E. of our ship, giving us this appearance at that distance 
of prospect :— 

Poa NG 


The same day at the distance of six-leagues, more or less, 
from the said island, we saw another island, called Solango. 
This isle lies close in by the mainland. In the evening we 
observed it to bear E.N.E. from us. Our course was S.E. 
by S. and the wind at S.W. by S. This day likewise we 
found that our lesser ship was still a great hindrance to our 
sailing, being forced to lie by, and stay for her two or three 
hours every day. We found likewise that, the farther from 
shore we were, the less wind we had all along, and that under 
the shore we were always sure of a fresh gale, though not so 
favourable to us as we could wish it to be. Hitherto we had 
used to stand off 40 leagues, and yet notwithstanding, in the 
space of six days, we had not got above ten leagues on our 
voyage, from the place of our departure. 

August 23rd: this day the wind was S.W. by S. and 
S.S.W. In the morning we stood off. The island of Solango, 
at N.E. by N. appears thus :-— 

2 ee me 


As S. by W., and about six leagues distance from us, we 
descried a long and even hill. I took it to be an island, and 
conjectured it might be at least eight leagues distant from 
the continent. But afterwards we found it was a point of 


land joining to the main, and is called Point St Helena, being 
continued by a piece of land which lies low, and in several 
places is almost drowned from sight, so that it cannot be seen 
at two leagues distance. In this lowland the Spaniards have 
conveniences for making pitch, tar,. salt, and some other 
things, for which purpose they have several houses here, 
and a friar who serves them as their chaplain. From the 
island of Solango to this place are reckoned eleven leagues, 
more or less. The land is hereabouts indifferent high, and is 
likewise full of bays. We had this day very little wind to 
help us in our voyage, excepting what blasts came now and 
then in snatches. These sometimes would prove pretty fair 
to us, and allow us for some little while a South course. But 
our chief course was S.E. by S. The point of St Helena at 
S. half E. and at about 6 leagues distance gives exactly this 
appearance as follows :— 



Here we found no gieat current of the sea to move anyway. 
At the isle of Plata, afore-described, the sea ebbs and flows 
nearly 13 feet perpendicular. About four leagues to leeward 
of this point is a deep bay, having a quay at the mouth of it 
which takes up the better part of its width. In the deepest 
part of the bay on shore we saw a great smoke, which was 
at a village belonging to the bay, to which place the people 
were removed from the point above-mentioned. This after- 
noon we had a small Westerly wind, our course being S.S.W. 
Hereabouts it is all along a very bold shore. At three o’clock 
in the afternoon we tacked about to clear the point. Being 
now a little way without the point, we spied a sail, which we 
conceived to be a bark. Hereupon we hoisted out our canoe, 
and sent in pursuit of her, which made directly for the shore. 
But the sail proved to be nothing else than a pair of bark- 
logs 1, which, arriving on shore, the men spread their sail on 

1 The modern balsa, balza: cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, 
p. 416: “. . . it was so well peopled with Indians, which had so many 
canoas of wood, as we might discerne, and not raftes or balsas, for so 
they call those floats which are made all flat with canes.” 


the sand of the bay to dry. At the same time there came 
down on the shore an Indian on horseback, who hallooed 
to our canoe, which had followed the logs. But our men, 
fearing to discover who we were, in case they went too near 
the shore, left the design and returned back to us. In these 
parts the Indians have no canoes, nor any wood indeed that 
may be thought fit to make them of. Had we been descried 
by these poor people, they would in all probability have been 
very fearful of us. But they offered not to stir, which gave 
us to understand they knew us not. We could perceive 
from the ship a great path leading to the hills, so that we 
believed this place to be a look-out, or watch-place, for the 
security of Guayaquil. Between four and five we doubled 
the point, and then we descried the Point Chandy, at the 
distance of six leagues S.S.E. from this point. At first sight 
it seemed like to a long island, but withal, lower than that of 
St Helena. 

Tuesday, August 24th, at noon, we took the other ship, 
wherein Captain Cox sailed in tow, she being every day a 
greater hindrance than before to our voyage. Thus, about 
three in the afternoon we lost sight of land, in standing 
over for Cape Blanco. Here we found a strong current to 
move to the S.W. The wind was at S.W. by S., our course 
being S. by E. At the upper end of this gulf, which is framed 
by the two capes aforementioned, stands the city of Guaya- 
quil, being a very rich place, and the embarcadero, or sea-port, 
to the great city of Quito. To this place likewise many of 
the merchants of Lima do usually send the money they 
design for Old Spain in barks, and by that means save the 
custom that otherwise they would pay to the King by carrying 
it on board the fleet. Hither comes much gold from Quito, 
and very good and strong broadcloth, together with images 
for the use of the churches, and several other things of con- 
siderable value. But more especially coco-nut, whereof 
chocolate is made, which is supposed here to be the best in 
the whole universe. The town of Guayaquil consists of about 
150 great houses, and twice as many little ones. This was 
the town to which Captain Sawkins intended to make his 
voyage, aS was mentioned above. When ships of greater 
burden come into this gulf, they anchor outside Lapina, and 
then put their lading into lesser vessels to carry it to the 


town. Towards the evening of this day a small breeze sprang 
up, varying from point to point, after which, about ‘nine 
o’clock at night, we tacked about, and stood off to sea, W. 
by N. 

As soon as we had tacked, we happened to spy a sail N.N.E. 
from us. Hereupon we instantly cast off our other vessel 
which we had in tow, and stood round about after them. 
We came very near to the vessel before the people saw us, 
by reason of the darkness of the night. As soon as they spied 
us, they immediately clapped on a wind, and sailed very 
well before us, insomuch that it was a pretty while before we 
could come up with them and within call. We hailed them in 
Spanish, by means of an Indian prisoner, and commanded 
them to lower their top-sails. They answered they would 
soon make us to lower our own. Hereupon we fired several 
guns at them, and they as thick at us again with their harque- 
buses!. Thus they fought us for the space of half-an-hour 
or more, and would have done it longer, had we not killed 
the man at the helm, after which none of the rest dared to 
be so hardy as to take his place. With another of our shot 
we cut in pieces and disabled their main-top halliards. Here- 
upon they cried out for quarter, which we gave them, and 
entered their ship. Being possessed of the vessel, we found 
in her five-and-thirty men, of which number 24 were natives 
of Old Spain. They had one-and-thirty firearms on board the 
ship for their defence. They had only fought us, as they 
declared afterwards, out of bravado, having promised on 
shore so to do, in case they met us at sea. The Captain of 
this vessel was a person of quality, and his brother, since 
the death of Don Jacinto de Barabona, killed by us in the 
engagement before Panama, was now made Admiral of 
the sea-armada. With him we took also in this bark five 
or six other persons of quality. They did us in this fight, 
though short, very great damage in our rigging, by cutting 
it in pieces, besides which they wounded two of our men, 
and a third man was wounded by the negligence of one of 
our own men, occasioned by a pistol which went off un- 
advisedly. About eleven o’clock this night we stood off to 
the west. 

1 An early kind of hand-gun. Other early spellings are: arkbusshe, 
ha(c)quebute, hargubush, harquebuz(e), herquebuze, hagabus, etc ! 


The next morning, about break of day, we hoisted out our 
canoe, and went aboard the bark which we had taken the 
night before. We transported on board our own ship more 
of the prisoners taken in the said vessel, and began to examine 
them, to learn what intelligence we could from them. The 
Captain of the vessel, who was a very civil and meek gentle- 
man, satisfied our desires in this point very exactly, saying 
to us: 

Gentlemen, I am now your prisoner-at-war by the over-ruling 
providence of fortune, and, moreover, am very well satisfied that 
no money whatsoever can procure my ransom, at least for the 
present at your hands. Hence I am persuaded it ts not my 
interest to tell you a lie, which if I do I desire you to punish me 
as severely as you shall think fit. We heard of your taking and de- 
stroying our Armadilla and other ships at Panama, about six 
weeks after that engagement, by two several barks which arrived 
here thence. But they could not inform us whether you designed - 
to come any farther to the southward, but, rather, desired we would 
send them speedily all the help by sea that we could. Hereupon 
we sent the noise and rumour of your being in these seas by land 
to Lima, desiring they would expedite what succours they could 
send to join with ours. We had at that time in our harbour 
two or three great ships, but all of them very unfit to sail. For 
this reason at Lima the Viceroy of Peru pressed three great 
merchant ships, into the biggest of which he put 14 brass guns, 
into the second 10, and in the other 6. To these he added two 
barks, and put 750 soldiers on board them all. Of this number 
of men they landed eight-score at Point St Helena, all the rest 
being carried down to Panama, with design to fight you there. 
Besides these forces, two other men-of-war, bigger than the 
aforementioned, are still lying at Lima, and fitting out there in 
all speed to follow and pursue you. One of these men-of-war is 
equipped with 36 brass guns, and the other with 30. These ships, 
besides their complement of seamen, have 400 soldiers added to 
them by the Viceroy. Another man-of-war belonging to this 
number, and lesser than the aforementioned, ts called the Patache. 
This ship consists of 24 guns, and was sent to Arica to fetch the 
King’s plate thence. But the Viceroy, having received intelli- 
gence of your exploits at Panama, sent for this ship back from 
there with such haste that they came away and left the money 
behind them. Hence the Patache now lies at the port of Callao, 
ready to sail on the first occasion or news of your arrival there- 
abouts, they having for this purpose sent to all parts very strict 
orders to keep a good. look-out on all sides, and all places along 


the coasts. Since this, from Manta they sent us word that they 
had seen two ships at sea pass by that place. And from the 
Goat Key also we heard that the Indians had seen you, and 
that they were assured one of your vessels was the ship called 
La Trinidad, which you had taken before Panama, as being a 
ship very well known in these seas. _Hence we concluded that 
your design was to ply, and make your voyage thereabouts. Now 
this bark wherein you took us prisoners, being bound for Panama, 
the Governor of Guayaquil sent us out before her departure, if 
possible to discover you, which, 1f we did, we were to run the 
bark on shore and get away, or else to fight you with these soldiers 
and firearms that you see. As soon as we heard of your being 
in these seas, we built two forts, the one of six guns, and the other 
of four, for the defence of the town. At the last muster taken in 
the town of Guayaquil we had there 850 men of all colours, but 
when we came out, we left only 200 men that were actually under 

Thus ended the relation of that worthy gentleman. About 
noon that day we unrigged the bark which we had taken, 
and after so doing sunk her. Then we stood S.S.E., and after- 
wards S. by W. and S.S.W. That evening we saw point 
St Helena at N. half E., at the distance of nine leagues, more 
or less. 

The next day, being August 26th, in the morning we stood 
S. That day we cried out all our pillage, and found that it 
amounted to 3,276 pieces-of-eight, which was accordingly 
divided by shares amongst us. We also punished a friar, 
who was chaplain to the bark aforementioned, and shot him 
upon the deck, casting him overboard before he was dead. 
Such cruelties, though I abhorred very much in my heart, 
yet here was I forced to hold my tongue and contradict 
them not, as having not authority to oversway them. At 
ten o’clock this morning we saw land again, and the pilot 
said we were sixteen leagues to leeward of Cabo Blanco. 
Hereupon we stood off and on, close under the shore, which 
all appeared to be barren land. 

The morning following we had very little wind, so that 
we advanced but slowly all that day. To windward of us we 
could perceive the continent to be all high land, being whitish 
clay, full of white cliffs. This morning, in common discourse, 
our prisoners confessed to us and acknowledged the destruc- 
tion of one of our little barks, which we lost on our way to 


the island of Cayboa. They stood away, as it appeared by 
their information, for the Goat Key, thinking to find us there, 
as having heard Captain Sawkins say that he would go thither. 
On their way they happened to fall in with the island of Gallo, 
and understanding its weakness by their Indian pilot, they 
.ventured on shore and took the place, carrying away three 
white women in their company. But, after a small time of 
cruising, they returned again to the aforesaid island, where 
they stayed two or three days, after which they went out 
to sea again. Within three or four days they came to a little 
quay four leagues distant from this isle. But, whilst they 
had been out and in thus several times, one of their prisoners 
made his escape to the mainland, and brought off thence 
50 men with firearms. These, placing themselves in ambush, 
at the first volley killed six of the seven men that belonged 
to the bark. The other man that was left took quarter of 
the enemy, and he it was that discovered to them our design 
upon the town of Guayaquil. By an observation which we 
made this day we found ourselves to be in lat. 3° 50”. At this 
time, our prisoners told us there was an embargo laid on all 
the Spanish ships, commanding them not to stir out of the 
ports, for fear of their falling into our hands at sea. 
Saturday, August 28th. This morning we took out all the 
water, and most part of the flour that was in Captain Cox’s 
vessel. The people in like manner came on board our ship. 
Having done this, we made a hole in the vessel and left her 
to sink, with a small old canoe at her stern. To leeward of 
Manta, a league from shore, in 18 fathom water, there runs 
a great current outwards. About eleven in the forenoon we 
weighed anchor, with a wind at W.N.W. turning it out. 
Our number now in all being reckoned, we found ourselves 
to be 140 men, two boys, and 55 prisoners, being all now 
in one and the same bottom. This day we got six or seven 
leagues in the wind’s eye. | 
& All the day following we had a very strong S.S.W. wind, 
insomuch that we were forced to sail with two reefs in our 
main-top sail and one also in our fore-top sail. Here Captain 
Peralta told us that the first place which the Spaniards settled 
in these parts, after Panama, was Tumbes, a place that now 
was to leeward of us, in this gulf where we now were. That 
there a priest went ashore with a cross in his hand, while 


10,000 Indians stood gazing at him. Being landed on the 
strand, there came out of the woods two lions; and he laid 
the cross gently on their backs, and they instantly fell down 
and worshipped it: and moreover, that two tigers, following 
them, did the same—whereby these animals gave to the 
Indians to understand the excellency of the Christian religion, 
which they soon after embraced. About four in the evening 
we came abreast the cape, which is the highest part of all. 
The land hereabouts appeared to be barren and rocky. At 
3 leagues distance east from us the cape showed thus :— 


Were it not for a windward current which runs under the 
shore hereabouts, it were totally impossible for any ships to get 
about this cape, there being such a great current to leeward 
in the offing. In the last bark which we took, of which we 
spoke in this chapter, we made prisoner one Nicolas Moreno, a 
Spaniard by nation, who was esteemed to be a very good pilot 
of the South Sea. This man did not cease continually to praise 
our ship for her sailing, and especially for the alterations we 
had made in her. As we went along, we observed many bays 
to lie between this cape and Point Parina, of which we shall 
soon make mention hereafter. 

In the night the wind came about to S.S.E. and we had 
a very stiff gale of it; so that by break of day the next 
morning we found ourselves to be about 5 leagues distant to 
windward of the cape aforementioned. The land hereabouts 
makes three or four several bays, and grows lower and lower 
the nearer we came to Punta Parina. This point looks at 
first sight like two islands. Between four and five of the 
clock that evening we were W. from the said point. 

The next day likewise, being the last day of August, the 
wind still continued S.S.E. as it had done the whole day 
before. This day we thought it convenient to stand farther 



out to sea, for fear of being descried at Paita, which now was 
not very far distant from us. The morning proved to be 
hazy—but about eleven we spied a sail, which stood then 
just as we did E. by S. Coming nearer to it, by degrees we 
found her to be nothing else than a pair of bark-logs under 
a sail, which were going that way. Our pilot advised us not 
to meddle with those logs, nor mind them in the least, for it 
was very doubtful whether we should be able to come up 
with them or not, and then by giving chase to them we should 
easily be descried and known to be the English pirates, as 
they called us. These bark-logs sail excellently well for the 
most part, and some of them are of such a size that they 
will carry 250 packs of meal from the valleys to Panama 
without wetting any of it. This day, by an observation made, 
we found ourselves to be in lat. 4° 55’ S. Point Parina at 
N.E. by E., and at the distance of 6 leagues, more or less, 
gives this following appearance :— 


At the same time La Silla de Paita bore from us S.E. by 
E., being distant only 7 or 8 leagues. It had the form of a 
high mountain, and appeared thus to us :— 



The town of Paita itself is situated in a deep bay, about 
2 leagues to leeward of this hill. It serves for an embarcadero, 
or port-town, to another great place which is distant thence 
about 13 leagues higher in the country and is called Piura, 
seated in a very barren country. 

On Wednesday, September Ist, our course was S. by W. 
The midnight before this day we had a land-wind that sprang 


up. In the afternoon La Silla de Paita, at the distance of 
7 leagues, at E. by N. appeared thus :— 



All along hereabouts is nothing but barren land, as was 
said before: likewise, for three or four days last past, we 
observed along the coasts many seals. 

That night as we sailed we saw something that appeared 
to us to be as it were a light. And the next morning we spied 
a sail, whence we judged the light had come. The vessel 
was at the distance of six leagues from us, in the wind’s eye, 
and thereupon we gave her chase. She stood to windward 
as we did. This day we had an observation, which gave us 
lat. 5° 30'S. At night we were about 4 leagues to leeward of 
her, but so great a mist fell that we suddenly lost sight of her. 
At this time the weather was as cold with us as in England 
in November. Every time we went about with our ship the 
other did the like. Our pilot told us that this ship set forth 
from Guayaquil eleven days before they were taken, and 
that she was laden with rigging, woollen and common cloth, 
and other manufactures made at Quito. Moreover, that he 
had heard that they had spent a mast, and had put into 
Paita to refit it. 

The night following they showed us several lights through 
their negligence, which they ought not to have done, for by 
that means we steered directly after them. The next morn- 
ing she was more than 3 leagues in the wind’s eye distant 
from us. Had they suspected us, it could not be doubted 
but they would have made away towards the land, but they 
seemed not to fly nor stir for our chase. The land here all 
along is level, and not very high. The weather was hazy, 
so that at about eleven o’clock that morning we lost sight 
of her. At this time we had been for the space of a whole 
week, at an allowance of only two draughts of water each 
day, so scarce were provisions with us. That afternoon we 
saw the vessel again, and at night we were not full two leagues 


distant from her, and not more than half-a-league to leeward. 
We made short trips all the night long. 

On Saturday, September 4th, about break of day, we saw 
the ship again at the distance of a league, more or less, and 
not above a mile to windward of us. They stood out as soon 
as they espied us, and we stood directly after them. Having 
pursued them for several hours, about four o’clock in the 
afternoon, we came up within the distance of half our small- 
arms shot, to windward of them. Hereupon they, perceiving 
who we were, presently lowered all their sails at once, and 
we cast dice among ourselves for the first entrance. The lot 
fell to larboard, so that 20 men belonging to that watch 
entered her. In the vessel were found 50 packs of coco-nut, 
such as chocolate is made of, many packs of raw silk, Indian 
cloth, and thread stockings: these things being the principal 
part of her cargo. We stood out S.W. by S. all the night 

The next day being come, we transported on board our 
ship the chief part of her lading. In her hold we found some 
rigging, as had been told us by Nicholas Moreno, our pilot, 
taken in the former vessel off Guayaquil; but the greatest 
part of the hold was full of timber. We took out of her also 
some osnaburgs!, of which we made top-gallant sails, as shall 
be said hereafter. It was now nineteen days, as they told us, 
since they had set sail from Guayaquil, and then they had 
only heard there of our exploits before Panama, but did not 
so much as think of our coming so far to the southward, 
which did not give them the least suspicion of us, though 
they had seen us for the space of two or three days before at 
sea and always steering after them—otherwise they had 
made for the land, and endeavoured to escape our hands. 

The next morning, likewise, we continued to take in the 
remaining part of what goods we desired out of our prize. 
When we had done, we sent most of our prisoners on board 
the said vessel, and left only their foremast standing, all the 
rest being cut down by the board. We gave them a foresail 
to sail withal, all their own water, and some of our flour to 
serve them for provisions, and thus we turned them away, 
not caring to be troubled or encumbered with too many of 
their company. Notwithstanding, we detained still several 

1 Coarse linens, originally exported from Osnaburg, in Germany. 


of the chief of our prisoners. Such were Don Thomas de 
Argandona, who was Commander of the vessel taken before 
Guayaquil, Don Christoval, and Don Baltazar, both gentle- 
men of quality taken with him, Captain Peralta, Captain Juan 
Moreno, the pilot, and twelve slaves, of whom we intended 
to make good use, to do the drudgery of our ship. At this 
time I reckoned that we were about the distance of 35 leagues, 
little more or less, from land; moreover, by an observation 
made this day, we found lat. 7° 1’ S. Our plunder being 
over and our prize turned away, we sold both chests, boxes, 
and several other things at the mast, by the voice of a crier. 
On the following day we stood S.S.W. and S.W. by S. all 
day long. That day one of our company died, named Robert 
Montgomery, the same man who was shot by the negligence 
of one of our own men with a pistol through the leg at the 
taking of the vessel before Guayaquil, as was mentioned 
above. We had an observation also this day, by which we 
now found lat. 7° 26’ S. On the same day likewise we made 
a dividend, and shared all the booty taken in the last prize. 
This being done, we hoisted into our ship the launch which 
we had taken in her, as being useful to us. All these days 
last past it was observed that we had every morning a dark 
cloud in the sky, which in the North Sea would certainly 
foretell a storm—but here it always blew over. 
Wednesday, September 8th, in the morning, we threw our 
dead man above-mentioned into the sea, and gave him 
three French volleys for his funeral ceremony. In the night 
before this day we saw a light belonging to some vessel at 
sea, but we stood away from it, as not desiring to see any 
more sails to hinder us in our voyage towards Arica, whither 
now we were designed. This light was undoubtedly from 
some ship to leeward of us, but on the next morning we 
could descry no sail. Here I judged we had made a S.W. 
by S. way from Paita, and by an observation found 8° 00’ S. 


A continuation of their long and tedious voyage to Arica, with a 
description of the coasts and sailings thereunto. Great hard- 
ship they endured for want of water and other provisions. 
They are descried at Arica, and dare not land there—the 
country being all in arms before them. They retire thence, 
and go to Puerto de Hilo, close by Arica. Here they land, 
take the town with little or no loss on thew side, refresh 
themselves with provisions, but in the end are cheated by 
the Spaniards, and forced shamefully to retreat thence 

On September gth we continued still to make a S.W. by S. 
way, as we had done the day before. By a clear and exact 
observation, taken the same day, we found now lat. 8° 12’ S. 
All the twenty-four hours last past afforded us but little wind, 
so that we advanced but little on our voyage, and were forced 
to tack about every four or five hours. 

The next day, by another observation taken, we found 
then lat. 9° 00'S. Now the weather was much warmer than 
before, and with this warmth we had small and misty rains 
that frequently fell. That evening a strong breeze came 
up at S.E. by E. 

The night following, likewise, we had a very great dew 
that fell, and a fresh wind continued to blow. At this time 
we were all hard at work to make small sails of the osnaburgs 
we had taken in the last prize, as being much more convenient 
for their lightness. The next morning being Saturday, 
September 11th, we lay by to mend our rigging. These last 
twenty-four hours we had made a S. by W. way. And now 
we had an observation that gave us lat. 10° 9’ S. I supposed 
this day that we were west from Cosmey, about the distance 
of eighty-nine leagues and a half. 

September 12th. This day we reckoned a S.S.W. way, 



and that we had made 34 leagues and three-quarters, or 
thereabouts. Also that all our westing from Paita was 
eighty-four leagues. We supposed ourselves now to be in 
lat. 11° 40’ S. But, the weather being hazy, no observation 
could be made. 

September 13th. Yesterday in the afternoon we had a 
great eclipse of the sun, which lasted from one o’clock till 
three after dinner. From this eclipse I then took the true 
judgment of our longitude from the Canary Islands, and 
found myself to be 285° 35’, in lat. 11° 45'S. The wind was 
now so fresh that we took in our top-sails, making a great — 
way under our courses and sprit-sail. 

September 14th we had a cloudy morning, which con- 
tinued so all the first part thereof. About eight it cleared 
up, and then we set our fore-topsail and, about noon, our 
main-topsail likewise. This was observable, that all this 
great wind precedent did not make anything of a great sea. 
We reckoned this day that we had run by a S.W. by W. way, 
26 leagues and two-thirds. 

The next day, in like manner, we had close weather, such 
as the former morning. Our reckoning was twenty-four 
leagues and two-thirds, bya S.W. by W. way. But, by obser- 
vation made, I found myself to be 23° S. of my reckoning, 
as being in the lat. of 15° 17’ S. 

On the 16th we had but small and variable winds. For 
the twenty-four hours last past we reckoned 24 leagues and 
two-thirds, by a S.W. by S. way. By observation we had 
lat. 16° 41’.. That evening we had a gale at E.S.E. which 
forced us to hand our top-sails. 

The 17th, likewise, we had many gusts of wind at several 
times, forcing us to hand our top-sails often. But in the 
forenoon we set them with a fresh gale at E.S.E. My reckon- 
ing this day was 31 leagues, by a S.S.W. way. All day long 
we stood by our top-sails. 

On the 18th we made a S. by W. way. We reckoned 
ourselves to be in lat. 19° 33'S. The weather was hazy, and 
the wind began to die this day by degrees. 

The next day, being the 1gth, we had very small wind. 
I reckoned 13 leagues and a-half, by a S.W. by S. way, and 
our whole westing from Paita to be 164 leagues in lat. 20° 00'S. 
All the afternoon we had a calm, with drizzling rain. 


Monday, September 2oth. Last night we saw the clouds, 
which are so famous among the Magellan mariners of these 
Southern seas. The least of these clouds was about the 
bigness of a man’s hat. After this sight the morning was 
very clear. We had run at noon at E.S.E. 13 leagues and 
a-half, and, by an observation then made, we found lat. 
20° 15'S. This day the wind began to freshen at W. by S. 
Yet, notwithstanding, we had a very smooth sea. 

But on the next morning the wind came about to S.W., 
and yet slackened by degrees. At four this morning it came 
to S. by E., and at ten the same day to S.E. by S. We had 
had this day a clear observation, and by it lat. 20° 25’S. We 
stood now E. by N., with the wind at S.E. 

September 22nd. This morning the wind was at E.S.E. 
By a clear observation we found lat. 19° 30’ S. Likewise on 
a N.E. by E. way. 

September 23rd. We had a fresh wind and a high sea. 
This morning early the wind was at E. and about ten at 
E.N.E. From a clear observation we found our latitude to 
be 20° 35'S. The way we made was S. by W. That morning 
we happened to split our sprit-sail. 

Next morning the wind was variable and inconstant, 
and the weather but hazy. We reckoned a S. by E. way: 
this day we bent a new main-topsail, the old one serving 
for a fore-topsail. In the afternoon we had but little wind, 
whereupon we lowered our top-sails, having in like manner a 
very smooth sea. 

The following day, likewise, brought us calm and warm 
weather, which occasioned us to set up our shrouds both fore 
and aft. An observation taken this day afforded us lat. 
21° 57’. That evening we bent a sprit-sail. 

On September 26th an observation gave us lat. 22° 05’ S. 
At noon we had a breeze at N.N.E., our course being E.S.E. 
In the afternoon we set up a larboard top-sail studding- 
sail. In the evening the wind came about at N. pretty 

The next day we had a smooth sea, and took in four 
studding-sails. For yesterday in the afternoon we had put 
out, besides that above-mentioned, another studding-sail and 
two main studding-sails more. This day we had by observa- 
tion 22° 45’ S., having made by an E.S.E. way thirty-five 



leagues and a-half—our whole meridian difference 68 leagues 
and a-half. 

September 28th. All the forenoon we had very little wind, 
and yet withal a great southern sea. By observation we 
had lat. 22° 40°:S. | 

September 29th. All the night past we had much wind, 
with three or four fierce showers of rain. This was the first 
that we could call rain, ever since we left Cape Francisco 
above-mentioned. This day our allowance was shortened, 
and reduced to three-pints-and-a-half of water, and one 
cake of boiled bread to each man for a day. An observation 
this day gave us lat. 21° 59’ S. by a N.E. by E. way. 

On September 30th we had a cloudy day, and the wind 
very variable, the morning being fresh. Our way was N.E. 
half N., wherein we made 18 leagues. 

October Ist. All the night past and this day we had a 
cloudy sky and not much wind. We madeaN.E. by E. way, 
and by it 17 leagues and two miles. This day we began at 
two-pints-and-a-half of water for a day. 

The 2nd, we made a E.N.E. way, and by it 26 leagues, 
more or less. Our observation this day gave us lat. 20° 29’ S. 
I reckoned now that we were Io leagues and a-half to E. of 
our meridian, the port of Paita, so that henceforward our 
departure was eastward. The wind was this day at S.E. by S. 

On the 3rd we had both a cloudy morning, a high sea, and 
drizzling weather. An observation which we had this day 
save us lat. 19° 45’ S. In the afternoon the wind blew so 
iresh that we were forced to hand our top-sails and sprit- 

The 4th, likewise, we had a high sea and a cold wind. At 
break of day we set our top-sails. An observation made 
afforded us lat. 19° 8’ S. Here we supposed ourselves fifty- 
nine leagues D.M. 

The 5th, we had still a great sea, and sharp and cold winds, 
forcing us to our low sails. By aN.E. by E. way we reckoned 
this day 26 leagues and a-half. 

But on the 6th we had great gusts of wind. Insomuch 
that this morning our ring-bolts gave way which held our 
main-stay, and had like to have brought our main-mast by the 
board. Hereupon we ran three or four glasses west before 
the wind. By an observation we found lat. 19° 4’ S. 


On October 7th the wind had somewhat fallen. We had 
both a cloudy day and variable winds. 

The 8th of the said month we had again a smooth sea and 
small whiffling winds. This morning we saw a huge shoal 
of fish, two or three water-snakes, and several seals. 

On the next day we had in like manner a very smooth sea, 
and withal a cloudy day. Our course was E. 

October roth. We had likewise a cloudy day, with small 
and variable winds, and, what is consequent to these, a 
smooth sea. Our way was S. by E. This day we spied 
floating upon the sea several tufts of sea-grass, which gave 
us good hopes that we were not far from shore. In the after- 
noon we had a N.E. by E. wind that sprang up: the night 
was very cold and cloudy. 

On the 11th we had a fresh wind at S.E. and E.S.E. together 
with a cloudy day, such as we had experienced for several 
days before. We reckoned this day 32 leagues by a N.E. by 
E. way. Here our pilot told us that the sky is always hazy 
near the shore upon these coasts where we now were. 

On October 12th we had a clear day, and N.E. way. 

The 13th we had but little wind. This day we saw a whale, 
which we took for an infallible token that we were not far 
distant from land, which now we hoped to see in a few days. 
We made an E.S.E. way, and by it we reckoned nineteen 
leagues. All the evening was very calm. 

Thursday, October 14th, we had both a calm and close 
day until the afternoon. Then the weather became very 
hot and clear. This day we saw several land-fowls, being 
but small birds, concerning which our pilot said that they 
use to appear about one or two days’ sail from the land. 
Our reckoning was 11 leagues by an E.S.E. way. In the 
evening of this day we thought that we had seen land, but 
it proved to be nothing else than a fog-bank. 

October 15th. Both the night past and this day was very 
clear. We made an observation this day, which gave us 
lat. 18° 00’ S. 

The 16th. Last night and this day were contrary to the 
former, both cloudy. Our way was N.E. by E. whereof we 
reckoned 13 leagues. 

Sunday, October 17th, the wind blew very fresh, our 

course being E.N.E. About five that morning we saw land, 


but the weather was so hazy that at first we could scarce 
perceive whether it was land or not. It was distant from 
us about eight leagues, and appeared as a high and round 
hill, being in form like a sugar-loaf. We saw land afterwards 
all along to the S.E. by E. from it. In the evening, we being 
then within 5 leagues of the shore, the land appeared very 
high and steep. 

October 18th. All the night last past we stood off to sea 
with a fresh wind. This morning we could just see land at 
N.N.E. We reckoned a S.E. by E. way, and by observation 
we tound Jat, 17° -177:S, 

Tuesday, October 19th. We had very cloudy weather, 
finding what our pilot had told us to be very true concerning 
the haziness of this shore. We saw all along as we went 
very high land, covered with clouds, insomuch that we could 
not see its top. 

On Wednesday, the next day, we had likewise cloudy 
weather, and for the most part calm. The same weather 
being very cloudy, as before, continued in like manner on 

Friday, October 22nd. This morning we saw the land 
plain before us. Our pilot, being asked what land that was, 
answered it was the Point of Hilo. At N.N.E. and about 
6 or 7 leagues distance it appeared thus to us :— 


There is every morning and evening a brightness over 
the point which lasted for two or three hours, being caused 
by the reflection of the sun on the barren land, as it is sup- 
posed. This day we had but little wind, and the huge want 
of water we were now under occasioned much disturbance 
among our men. As for my part, I must acknowledge I 
could not sleep all night long through the greatness of my 
drought. We could willingly have landed here to seek for 
water, but the fear of being discovered and making ourselves 
known hindered us from so doing. Thus we unanimously 


resolved to endure our thirst for a little longer. Hereabouts 
is a small current that runs under the shore. This morning 
we had but little wind at S., our course being E.S.E. The 
point at the distance of 5 leagues N.E. looks on the following 
side thus :— 


Our wind continued to blow not about six hours each day. 
We reckoned the difference of our meridian to be this day 
180 leagues. Very great was our affliction now for want of 
water, we having but half-a-pint a day to our allowance. 

October 23rd. This day we were forced to spare one 
measure of water, thereby to make it hold out the longer, 
so scarce it became with us. At three this afternoon the point 
looked thus :— 

22 oe 


Here the point looks like an island, and Mora de Sama 
to the southward thereof, gives this appearance :— 


At about nine o’clock at night we had a land wind, and 

with it we stood S.E. by S., but all the night after we had 
but little wind. 


October 24th, All the night past we had very cloudy and 
dark weather, with mizzling rain. The morning being come 
it cleared up, but all the land appeared covered with clouds, 
Yet, notwithstanding, in the afternoon it gave us again this 
appearance ;— 

2 As 

Carls nt aaah am ALLS 

MorA DE SAMA EAT LSt 20° o: 

Under the hill of Mora de Sama are eighteen or nineteen 
white cliffs, which appear in the form thus described. This 
day we resolved that 112 men should go ashore, and at about 
eight this evening we sent our launch and four canoes, with 
four-score men, to take three or four fishermen at a certain 
river, close by Mora de Sama, called El Rio de Juan Diaz, 
with intent to gain what intelligence we could as to how affairs 
stood at present on the coast and country thereabouts. 

Monday, October 25th. Last night being about the distance 
of one-league-and-a-half from shore, we sounded, and found 
forty-five fathom water, with a hard ground at the bottom. 
This morning our people and canoes that were sent to take 
the fishermen returned, not being able to find either their 
houses or the river. They reported withal they had had a 
very fresh wind all the night long under shore, whereas we 
had not one breath of wind all night on board. 

Tuesday, October 26th. Last night, being the night before 
this day, about six o’clock we departed from the ship to go 
to take Arica, resolving to land about the distance of a league 
to windward of the town. We were about 6 leagues distant 
from the town when we left our ship, whereby we were forced 
to row all night, that we might reach the place of our landing 
before day. Towards morning the canoes left the launch, 
which they had had all night in tow and wherein I was, and 
made all the speed they possibly could for the shore, with 
design to land before the launch could arrive. But, being 
come nigh the place where we designed to land, they found 
to our great sorrow and vexation that we were descried, and 


that all along the shore and through the country they had 
certain news of our arrival. Yet, notwithstanding our dis- 
covery, we would have landed if we could by any means 
have found a place to do it in. But the sea ran so high, and 
with such a force against the rocks, that our boats must have | 
each been staved into one thousand pieces, and we in great 
danger of wetting our arms, if we should adventure to go on 
shore. The bay all round, and likewise the tops of the hills, 
was possessed by several parties of horse which seemed to be 
gathered there by a general alarm through the whole country, 
and they waited only for our landing, with design to make 
a strong opposition against us. They fired a gun at us, but 
we made them no answer, but rather returned to our ship, 
giving over this enterprise until a fairer opportunity. The 
hill of Arica is very white, being occasioned by the dung 
of multitudes of fowls that nest themselves in the hollow 
thereof. To leeward of the said hill lies a small island at the 
distance of a mile, more or less, from the shore. About 
half-a-league from that island we could perceive six ships to 
ride at anchor, four of which had their yards taken down 
from their masts, but the other two seemed to be ready to 
sail. We asked our pilot concerning these ships, and he 
told us that one of them was mounted with six guns, and the 
other with only four. Being disappointed of our expectations 
at Arica, we now resolved to bear away thence to the village 
of Hilo, there to take in water and other provisions, as also 
to learn what intelligence we could obtain. All that night we 
lay under a calm. 

On October 27th, in the morning, we found ourselves to 
be about a league to windward of Mora de Sama. Yet, not- 
withstanding, the weather was quite calm, and we only 
drove with the current to leeward. The land between Hilo 
and Mora de Sama forms two several bays, and the coast 
runs along N.W. and S.E., as may appear by the following 
demonstration. Over the land we could see from our ship, 
as we drifted, the coming or rising of a very high land, at a 
great distance far up in the country. 

October 28th. The night before this day we sent away 
our four canoes with 50 men in them, to seize and plunder 
the town of Hilo. All that day was very calm, as the day 


The next morning, about break of day, a fair breeze sprang 
up, with which we lay right in with the port. About one in 
the afternoon we anchored, and the port lies thus, as is here 
described :— 

Port oF HILo 

We cast anchor at the distance of two miles from the 
village, and then we perceived two flags, which our men had 
put out, having taken the town and set up our English colours. 
The Spaniards were retreated to the hills, and there had done 
the same. Being come to an anchor, our Commander, Captain 
Sharp, sent a canoe on board of us, and ordered that all the 
men our ship could spare should come ashore. Withal they 
told us that those of our party that landed the morning 
before were met by some horsemen on the shore, who only 
exchanged some few volleys of shot with our men, but were 
soon put to flight. That hereupon our forces had marched 
directly to the town, where the Spaniards, expecting we 
should have landed at first, had made a breastwork, thirty 
paces long, of clay and banks of sand. Here, in a small 
skirmish, we happened to kill an Indian, who told us before 
he died that they had received news of our coming nine days 
ago, from Lima, and but one day before from Arica. Having 
taken the town, we found therein great quantity of pitch, 
tar, oil, wine, and flour, with several other sorts of provisions. 
We endeavoured to keep as good a watch as the Spaniards 
did on the hills, fearing lest they should suddenly make an 
attempt to destroy us. 

On the next day, October 30th, we chose out three-score 
men of them who were the fittest to march, from among 
the rest, and ordered them to go up and search the valley 
adjoining and belonging to the town. We found the said 
valley to be very pleasant, being all over set with fig, olive, 
orange, lemon, and lime-trees, with many other fruits agree- 
able to the palate. About four miles up, within the valley, 
we came to a great sugar-works, or ingenio d’azucar, as it is 
called by the Spaniards, where we found great store of sugar, 


oil, and molasses, but most of the sugar the owners had 
hidden from us in the cane itself. As we marched up the valley 
the Spaniards marched along the hills, and observed our 
motion. From the tops of the hills they often tumbled down 
great stones upon us, but with great care we endeavoured 
to escape those dangers, and the report of our gun would 
suddenly cause them all to hide their heads. From this 
house, I mean the sugar-works above-mentioned, Mr Cox, 
myself, and one Cannis, a Dutchman (who was then our 
interpreter), went to the Spaniards with a flag of truce. They 
met us very civilly, and promised to give us four-score beeves 
as ransom of the sugar-work upon condition that it should 
not be spoilt nor demolished. We agreed with them that 
they should be delivered to us at the port next day at noon. 
Hereupon Captain Sharp, in the evening, sent down to the 
port 20 men, with strict orders that our forces there should 
offer no violence to those that brought down the beeves. 

Sunday, October 31st. This day being employed in casting 
up some accounts belonging to our navigation, I reckoned 
that Hilo was to the eastward of Paita one hundred and 
eighty-seven leagues. This morning the Captain of the 
Spaniards came to our Commander, Captain Sharp, with a 
flag of truce, and told him that sixteen beeves were already 
sent down to the port and that the rest should certainly be 
there the next morning. Hereupon we were ordered to prepare 
ourselves to retreat, and march back to the port, and there 
embark ourselves on board our ship. My advice was to the 
contrary, that we should rather leave 20 men behind to 
keep the house of the sugar-works, and that others should 
possess themselves of the hills, thereby to clear them of the 
Spaniards and their look-out. But, my counsel not being 
regarded, each man took away what burden of sugar he 
pleased, and thus we returned to our vessel. Being come 
there, we found no beeves had been brought down at all, 
which occasioned us much to suspect some double-dealing 
would in the latter end be found in this case. 

The next morning, November Ist, our Captain went to 
the top of the hills aforementioned, and spoke with the 
Spaniards themselves concerning the performance of their 
agreement. The Spaniards made answer that the cattle 
would certainly come down this night, but, in case they did 


not, that the master or owner of the sugar-works had now 
returned from Potosi, and we might go up and treat with 
him, and make, if we pleased, a new bargain for the preserva- 
tion of his house and goods, it being his interest more than 
theirs to save it from being demolished. With this answer 
our men returned to us, and we decided to wait until the 
next day for the delivery of the beeves. 

On the following day, about eight in the morning, there 
came in to us a flag of truce from the enemy, telling us that 
the winds were so high that they could not drive the cattle, 
otherwise they had been delivered before now. But withal 
that by noon we should in no manner fail to have them 
brought to us. Noon being come and no cattle appearing, 
we, now having filled our water and finished other concerns, 
resolved to be revenged on the enemy, and do them what 
mischief we could, at least by setting fire to the sugar-works. 
Hereupon three-score men of us marched up the valley, 
and burnt both the house, the canes, and the mill belonging 
to the ingenio. We broke likewise the coppers, coggs, and 
multitudes of great jars of oil that we found in the house. 
This being done, we brought away more sugar, and returned 
to the port over the hills or mountains, which we found to 
be very pleasant, smooth, and level after once we had ascended 
them. It fell out very fortunately to us that we returned 
back this way, for otherwise our men at the seaside had 
inevitably been cut off and torn in pieces by the enemy, 
they being at that time dispersed and straggling up and down 
in parties of two and three. For from the hills we spied 
coming from the northward of the bay above 300 horsemen, 
all riding at full speed towards our men, who had not as yet 
descried them and little thought of any such danger from 
the enemy so nigh at hand. Being alarmed with this sight, 
we threw down what sugar we had and ran incontinently to 
meet them, thereby to give our other men time to rally and 
put themselves into a posture of defence. We being in good 
rank and order, fairly proffered them battle upon the bay ; 
but, as we advanced to meet them, they retired and rode 
towards the mountains to surround us and take the rocks 
from us, if they possibly could. Hereupon, perceiving their 
intentions, we returned back and possessed ourselves of the 
said rocks, and also of the lower town, as the Spaniards 


themselves did of the upper town (at the distance of half-a- 
mile from the lower), the hills and the woods adjoining 
thereunto. The horsemen, being now in possession of these 
quarters, we could perceive as far as we could see more and 
more men resort to them, so that their forces increased 
hourly to considerable numbers. We fired one at another as 
long as we could reach and the day would permit. But in 
the meanwhile we observed that several of them rode to the 
watch-hill, and looked out often to the sea-board. This 
gave us occasion to fear that they had more strength and 
forces coming that way which they expected every minute. 
Hereupon, lest we should speed worse than we had done 
before, we resolved to embark silently in the dark of the 
night, and go off from the coast where we had been so early 
descried and the enemy was so much prepared against us. 
We carried off a great chest of sugar, whereof we shared 
seven-pound-weight-and-a-half each man, thirty jars of oil, 
and great plenty of all sorts of garden herbs, roots, and most 
excellent fruit. 

of Hilo 

Wile ngxt the Sea 

The Creeh 

as vw 



The Buccaneers depart from the Port of Hilo, and sail to that 
of Coquimbo. They are descried before their arrival. Not- 
withstanding they land ; are encountered by the Spaniards ; 
and put them to flight. They take, plunder, and fire the City 
of La Serena. A description thereof. A stratagem of the 
Spaniards, in endeavouring to fire their ship, discovered and 
prevented. They are deceived again by the Spaniards, and 
forced to retire from Coquimbo without any ransom for the 
City or considerable pillage. They release several of their 
chief prisoners 

THE next morning, being Wednesday, November 3rd, 1670, 
about seven o'clock, we set sail from Hilo, standing directly 
off to sea, with a small land-wind. Upon the shore we could 
not discover this morning above 50 men of our enemies’ 
forces, which caused us to suspect the rest were run away 
from their colours and had deserted in the dark of the night. 
If this were so, we were equally afraid of each other, and, 
as we quitted the land being jealous of their multitudes, so 
they abandoned their stations for fear of our encounters. 
All the while we lay in the Port of Hilo, we had a fresh wind, 
but now, being come out thence, we found it was almost 
stark calm. Hereabouts runs a great sea all along this coast, 
as we experimented at Arica, insomuch that there is no 
landing except under the favour of some rock or other. 

November 4th, in the morning, we saw the Port of Hilo 
at E.N.E., at the distance of 9 leagues, more or less, from 
the land. The white sand gives a bright reflection over the 
land, which we could see after we had lost sight of the land 

The next day to this we had an indifferent fresh wind at 
9.S.E. We reckoned a S.W. half W. way, and, by it, that 



we had made 20 leagues. The day was very fair and sun- 
shiny and the sea very smooth. 

November 6th. We had a clear night the last past, and 
the day proved very fair and clear, like the former. We 
reckoned by a S.W. by W. way about 21 leagues. In the 
afternoon it was almost stark calm. 

On the following day we had in like manner very little 
wind, no more than the last twenty-four hours. We were 
now about this time many of us very much troubled and 
diseased with the scurvy. It proceeded, as we judged, from 
the great hardship and want of provisions which we had 
endured for several months past, as having-had only bread 
and water, as was mentioned above. Only at Hilo we killed 
a mule, which gave to those who would eat of the flesh a 
very good meal, as we esteemed it, the Spaniards having 
swept away with them all other provisions of flesh. But 
there we had plundered some small quantity of good choco- 
late, whereof the Spaniards make infinite use. So that now 
we had each morning a dish of that pleasant liquor, containing 
almost a pint. 

Next day likewise we had very little wind, as before. We 
made an observation this day, and found lat. 20° 05’S. 

November 9th we had still very little wind, and that 
variable. We took almost every hour an observation, and 
found ourselves to be in lat. 20° 18’ S. 

The roth we had in like manner but little wind, as for so 
many days before. We observed an E.S.E. current, or nearest 
to it, to run hereabouts. This day we saw the homing of a 
very high land, which we much admired, for at this time 
I conceived we could not be less than 35 or 40 leagues distant 
from land. We supposed it to be Mora Tarapaca. That 
day we set up our shrouds. 

Upon the 11th an indifferent gale of wind sprang up at 
S.W. by S., by which we made twenty-five leagues and one- 
third. We had now a great S.S.W. sea. In the night the 
wind we found came one or two points from the land. This 
morning we saw the like homing of land, whereby we were 
made sensible that it was no land which we had seen the day 

On the 12th we had several mists of rain, with windy 
weather. We made by a S.S.W. half S. way, 25 leagues and 


one-third. We had likewise a great and rolling S.S.W. sea, 
as the day before. 

The 13th of the said month we had both cloudy and misty 
weather. We made a S.S.W. and one-quarter S. way, by 
which we ran 50 leagues. 

But the next day fair and clear weather came about again. 
We had likewise an easy gale of wind, by which we made 
a S.W. way and advanced 22 leagues and-a-half. 

On November 15th, we had also clear weather and an 
indifferent gale of wind. Our way was S.W. by W., by 
which we reckoned 18 leagues. Likewise that our westing 
from Hilo, whence we had set forth, was 114 leagues and 
one-third. By observation we found lat. 23° 25’. I took 
now the declination-table used and made by the cosmographer 
of Lima. 

Tuesday, November 16th. Last night we had a shower 
or two of rain. By observation we found lat. 23° 35’ S. 

The 17th we made a S.W. by W. half S. way. By 
observation we found lat. 23° 46’ S. with very little 

The 18th upon a S.W. by W. way we made 2r leagues. 
By observation we found lat. 24° 20’ S. 

Friday, November 19th, 1680. This morning about an 
hour before day we observed a comet to appear a degree N. 
from the bright in Libra. The body thereof seemed dull, 
and its tail extended itself 18 or 20 degrees in length, being 
of a pale colour and pointing directly N.N.W. Our prisoners 
hereupon reported to us that the Spaniards had seen very 
strange sights, both at Lima, the capital city of Peru, Guaya- 
quil, and other places, much about the time of our coming 
into the South Seas. I reckoned this day we had run 20 
leagues by a S.W. way. 

The day following the appearance of the comet we had 
many storms of wind at S.S.E. and E.S.E. Our reckoning 
by a S.W. by W. way was 22 leagues. 

Sunday, November 21st, we had likewise many gusts of 
wind, such as the day before, with frequent showers of rain. 
The wind varied to and fro, according as the clouds drew 
it here and there. We reckoned a S.S.W. way, and, by it, 21 
leagues and a-half. In all, W. from Hilo, we judged ourselves 
to be 178 leagues and two-thirds. We had this day a great 


S.W. Sea, and cloudy weather. I supposed our latitude to 
be 26° 53’ S. 

November 22nd we had in like manner cloudy weather, 
and now but little wind. We reckoned a S. way, and 51 

The 23rd we had very little wind, all the storm after the 
appearance of the comet being now quite allayed. We 
reckoned we had made a S.E. by E. way. By observation 
found lat. 27° 46’ S. 

Wednesday, November 24th. All the last twenty-four 
hours we had a N.W. wind. Our way was S.E. half S., by 
which we reckoned 31 leagues and one-third. 

The 25th. Last night the wind blew at W.S.W., but this 
morning it came about again at N.W. as the day before. 
Our reckoning this day was a S.E. and one-quarter E. way, 
29 leagues and one-third. Lat., by observation 39° 57’ S. 
Our difference of meridian 1354. 

November 26th. In the night the wind started to $.S.W., 
but this day at noon we had little better than a calm. I 
reckoned an E.S.E. half E. way, and, by it, 23 leagues. 

Saturday, 27th. Yesterday in the evening the wind came 
to S. I reckoned an E. and something S. way, and, by that, 
23 leagues, as the day before this. 

November 28th. All the last twenty-four hours we enjoyed 
a fresh wind at S.S.E., having a high S.W. sea. Our reckoning 
was an E. by N. and half N. way, and withal 24 leagues. 
By observation lat. 30° 16’ S. and meridian distance 88 
leagues. At noon the wind came at S. half E. 

On the 29th we had a very great S.W. sea, and withal 
cloudy weather. My reckoning was by an E. one-third S. 
way, 20 leagues and one-third. This day we happened to 
see two or three great fowls flying in the air, concerning 
which our pilot told us that they used to appear 70 or 80 
leagues off from the island called Juan Fernandez. The 
day before this Captain Peralta, our prisoner, was taken very 
frantic, his distemper being occasioned, as we thought, 
through too much hardship and melancholy. Notwith- 
standing, this present day he became indifferent! well again. 

The following day we had likewise cloudy weather. We 
made, according to our account, an E. half N. way, and by 

1 See note on p. 87. 


it 16 leagues and two-thirds. Our meridian difference 52 

December 1st. We had hazy weather, and withal an 
indifferent good wind at S., yea, sometimes S. by W. Our 
way was E. by S., by which we reckoned 22 leagues. The 
night before this day we sailed over white water like banks, 
of a mile in length or more. But these banks, upon examina- 
tion, we found to be only great shoals of anchovies. 

On December 2nd, very early in the morning, we espied 
land, which appeared to be very high. About noon this 
day we were 6 leagues distance from it. All the preceding 
night we had so much wind that we were forced to make 
use only of a pair of courses. By an observation made this 
day, we found lat. 30° 35'S. We went away largely, driving 
better than nine leagues every watch. With this wind we 
made all the sail we possibly could, designing by this means 
to get into Coquimbo, upon which coast we now were, before 
night. But the wind was so high that sometimes we were 
forced to lower all our sail, it blowing now a mere fret of wind. 
Towards the evening it abated by degrees, insomuch that 
at midnight it was stark calm again. At that time we hoisted 
out our launch and canoes, and, putting into them 100 men, 
we rowed away from the ship with design to take by surprisal 
a considerable city, situated nigh unto the coast, called by 
the Spaniards La Ciudad de la Serena. 

Friday, December 3rd, 1679. When we departed from the 
ship, we had above 2 leagues, more or less, to row to the 
shore. But, as it happened, the launch (wherein I was) 
rowed so heavily in comparison to the canoes that we could 
not keep pace with the said boats. For this reason and no 
other, it was broad day before we got to a certain storehouse 
situated upon the shore, which we found our men had passed 
by in the dark of the night, without perceiving it. They, 
being landed, immediately marched away from their canoes 
towards the city aforementioned of La Serena, but they had 
not proceeded far on their march when they found, to the 
great sorrow and chagrin of us all, that we were discovered 
here also, as we had been at the other two places before, to 
wit Arica and Hilo. For, as they marched ina body together 
being but thirty-five men in all, who were all those that were 
landed out of the canoes, they were suddenly encountered 


and engaged by a whole troop of an hundred Spanish horse. 
We that were behind, hearing the noise of the dispute, 
followed them at their heels, and made all the haste we 
possibly could to come up to their relief. But, before we 
could reach the place of battle, they had already routed the 
Spaniards and forced them to fly away towards the town. 
Notwithstanding this rout given to the horse, they rallied 
again at a distance of about a mile from that place, and 
seemed as if they did wait for us and would engage us anew. 
But, as soon as all our forces were come together, whereof 
we could make but fourscore-and-eight men in all, the rest 
being left behind to guard the boats, we marched towards 
them and offered them battle. As we came nigh unto them, 
we clearly found they designed no such thing, for they in- 
stantly retired and rode away before us, keeping out of the 
reach of our guns. We followed them as they rode, being led 
by them designedly clear out of the road that went to the 
town, that we might not reach nor find it so soon. In this 
engagement with the horse our company had killed three of 
their chief men and wounded four more, killing also four of 
their horses. When we found that we had been led by this 
stratagem of the enemy out of the way of the town, we left 
the bay and crossed over the green fields to find it, wading 
oftentimes over several branches of water, which there serve 
to enclose each plot of ground. Upon this march we came 
to several houses, but found them all empty and swept clean 
both of inhabitants and provisions. We saw likewise several 
horses and other heads of cattle in the fields, as we went 
along towards the City. This place of La Serena our pilot 
had reported to us to be but a small town, but, being arrived 
there, we found in it no fewer than seven great churches 
and one chapel belonging thereto. Four of these churches 
were monasteries or convents, and each church had its organ 
for the performance of divine service. Several of the houses 
had their orchards of fruit and gardens belonging to them, 
both houses and gardens being as well and as neatly furnished 
as those in England. In these gardens we found strawberries 
as big as walnuts and very delicious to the taste. In a word, 
everything in this city of La Serena was most excellent and 
delicate, and far beyond what we could expect in so remote 
a place. The town was inhabited by all sorts of tradesmen, 



and besides them had its merchants, some of which were 
accounted to be very rich. 

The inhabitants of La Serena, upon our approach and 
discovery, were all fled, carrying with them whatever was 
most precious of their goods and jewels, or less cumbersome 
to them. Much of their valuable things they had likewise 
concealed or buried, having had time since we were first 
discovered so to do. Besides, they had had warning enough 
to beware of us, sent them over land from Arica and several 
other places where we had landed or been descried at sea. 
Notwithstanding, we took in the town one friar and two 

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Chilenos, or Spaniards, natives of the Kingdom of Chile, 
which adjoins that of Peru, towards the Strait of Magellan. 
These prisoners related to us that the Spaniards, when they 
heard of our coming, had killed most of the Chilian slaves, 
fearing lest they should run or revolt from them to us. More- 
over, that we had been descried from their coasts four days 
before our arrival or descent upon land—all which time 
they had employed in carrying away their plate and goods. 
To this information they added that for their defence they 
had received a supply of 60 men from Arica. Having taken 
possession of the town, that evening there came a negro to 
us, running away from the Spaniards. He likewise informed 
us that, when we were before Panama, we had taken a negro 
who was esteemed to be the best pilot in all the South Sea, 


but more especially for this place and all the coasts of Coquim- 
bo. Moreover, that if the Spaniards had not sent all the 
negroes belonging to this city farther up into the country 
out of our reach and communication, they would all un- 
doubtedly have revolted to us. 

That night about midnight our boatswain, accompanied 
by 40 men and having a Chilian for their guide, went out of 
the town some miles within the country, with design to find 
out the places where the Spaniards lay concealed, and had hid 
their goods and plate. But, before they came, the Spaniards 
had received intelligence thereof from some secret spies they 
had in the town, and both the men and their women were all 
fled to places that were more occult and remote. So that by 
this search they only found an old Indian woman and three 
children, but no gold nor plate, nor yet any other prisoners. 
This morning our ship came to an anchor, by the storehouse 
above-mentioned, named Tortuga, at the distance of a furlong 
from shore, in seven fathom water. While we were quartered 
in the town, I took this following ground-plate thereof. 

The next morning, being Saturday, December 4th, there 
came into the town a flag of truce from the enemy. Their 
message was to proffer a ransom for the town to preserve it 
from burning, for now they began to fear we would set fire 
to it, as having found no considerable booty or pillage therein. 
The Captains, or chief Commanders, of both sides met about 
this point, and agreed betwixt them for the sum of 95,000 
pieces-of-eight to be the price of the whole ransom. In the 
afternoon of this day I was sent down to the bay of Coquimbo, 
with a party of 20 men, to carry thither both goods taken in 
the town and provisions for the ship. It is two-leagues-and-a- 
half from the town to the port—one league on the bay, the 
rest being a very great road, which leads from the bay to the 
city. The Spaniards promised that the ransom should be 
collected and paid in by the next day. This day also there 
died one of our negro slaves on board the ship. 

The following day in the morning I returned back to the 
town with the men I had brought down the day before. Only 
six of them I left behind, to look after our canoes at the end 
of the bay. When I came up into the city, I found that the 
Spaniards had broken their promise, and had not brought 
in the ransom they had agreed for; but had begged more 


time until to-morrow at eight in the forenoon. This evening 
another party of our men went down to the ship, to carry 
goods, such as we had pillaged in the town. Moreover, that 
night about nine o’clock happened an earthquake, which we 
were very sensible of, as we were all together in the church 
of San Juan, where our chief rendezvous and corps du garde 
was kept. In the night the Spaniards opened a sluice, and 
let the water run in streams about the town, with intent 
either to overflow it and thereby force us out of the place, 
or at least that they might the easier quench the flame, in 
case we should fire the town. 

On the next morning we set fire to the town, perceiving 
it to be overflowed and that the Spaniards had not performed, 
or rather that they never designed to perform their promise. 
We fired, as nigh as we could, every house in the whole town, 
to the intent it might be totally reduced to ashes. Thus we 
departed from La Serena, carrying with us what plunder 
we could find, having sent two parties before, loaded with 
goods to the ship, as was mentioned above. As we marched 
down to the bay, we beat up an ambuscade of 250 horse, 
which lay by the way in private, with an intent to fall on our 
men, in case we had sent down any other party again with 
goods to the ship. When we came to the sea-side, being 
half-way to our ship, we received advice that the Spaniards 
had endeavoured, by an unusual stratagem, to burn our 
ship and by these means destroy us all. They acted thus: 
They blew up a horse’s hide like a bladder, and upon this 
float a man ventured to swim from shore and come under 
the stern of our ship. Being arrived there, he crammed 
oakum and brimstone, and other combustible matter, between 
the rudder and the stern-post. Having done this, he fired 
it with a match, so that in a small time our rudder was on 
fire and all the ship in a smoke. Our men both alarmed and 
amazed with this smoke, ran up and down the ship, suspecting 
the prisoners to have fired the vessel, thereby to get their 
liberty and seek our destruction. At last they found out 
where the fire was, and had the good fortune to quench it 
before its going too far. As soon as they had put it out, 
they sent the boat ashore, and found both the hide afore- 
mentioned and the match burning at both ends, whereby 
they became acquainted with the whole matter. When 


we came to the storehouse on the shore-side, we set at liberty 
the friar, our prisoner, and another gentleman who was 
become our hostage for the performance of the ransom. 
Moreover, when we came aboard, we sent away and set at 
liberty Captain Peralta, Don Thomas de Argandona, Don 
Baltazar, Don Christoval, Captain Juan, the Pilot’s Mate, 
the old Moor, and several others of our chief prisoners. To 
this release of our prisoners we were moved partly because 
we knew not well what to do with them, and partly because 
we feared lest by the example of this stratagem they should 
plot our destruction in earnest, and by the help of so many 

men, especially persons of quality, be able to go through 
with it. 


The Buccaneers depart from Coquimbo for the isle of Juan 
Fernandez. An exact account of this voyage. Misery they 
endure, and great dangers they escape very narrowly there. 
They mutiny among themselves, and choose Watling to be 
their chief commander. Description of the island. Three 
Spanish men-of-war meet with the Buccaneers at the said 
island, but these outbrave them on the one side and give 
them the slip on the other 

BEING all embarked again, as was mentioned in the preceding 
chapter, the next morning, which was Tuesday, December 7th, 
twenty of us were sent ashore to observe the motion of the 
enemy. We went to the look-out, or watch-hill, but could 
learn nothing thence. Hereupon about noon we returned 
on board the ship, and at two in the afternoon we weighed 
anchor and set sail, directing our course for the isle of Juan 
Fernandez, not far distant from the coast of Coquimbo. At 
night we were five leagues distant thence at N.W. by N. 

R %, & ke Cwdad 
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EE ————E—E 


The southermost island of those, which are called De los 
Paxaros, or the Islands of Birds, was then N.N.W. from us. 
Before our departure I took this draft of the bay of Coquimbo 
and city of La Serena. 

December 8th we had but very little wind and a lee-ward 
current here, which we perceived did heave us to the North- 
ward. The aforementioned island, De los Paxaros, at three 
in the afternoon bore N.E. of us. At the distance of 3 leagues, 
more or less, it appeared thus :— 



It is distant from the main continent four leagues, and from 
the next island of the same name about two. The mainland is 
extremely high and mountainous hereabouts. At evening 
we were west from the said island five leagues. About 8 
or g leagues to windward of Coquimbo are certain white 
cliffs which appear from the shore to those that are off at 

On December gth we had likewise but little wind, as the 
day before. I supposed myself this day to be about thirteen 
leagues W. from the island above-mentioned. The weather 
was cloudy, with mizzling rain, so that no observation could 
be taken. However, this day it was thought convenient to 
put us to an allowance of water, for we had taken in little 
or none at Coquimbo. The same weather, or very like it, we 
had the next day, being the roth—that is to say, stark calm 
and cloudy. 

On December 11th we had some small rain in the forepart 
of the day. But in the afternoon it cleared up, so that the 
weather was very hot. We had still but little wind. 

The next day, December 12th, we had very fair weather, 
and by a clear observation made this day we found lat. 
30° 06’ S. 


December 13th. By a W.S.W. way we made forty-two 
leagues. By observation we found lat. 30° 45’S. D.M. 4 
leagues and two-thirds. 

On the 14th, in the morning, we had a handsome shower 
of rain, which continued for some while. Then, about eight 
o'clock, there sprang up a S.S.W. breeze. My reckoning was 
by an E.S.E. way 14 leagues. And by observation we found 
this day 30° 30'S. In the afternoon of this day died one of 
our men whose name was William Cammock. His disease 
was occasioned by a surfeit, gained by too much drinking on 
shore at La Serena, which produced in him a calenture, or 
malignant fever, and a hiccough. Thus in the evening we 
buried him in the sea, according to the usual custom of 
mariners, giving him three French volleys for his funeral. 

The following day we had an indifferent fresh wind on both 
tacks. Our way was W.S.W., and by it we reckoned 34 
leagues. So likewise by an observation we had lat. 30° 42’ S. 
All the afternoon blew a S. by W. wind very fresh, with 
a short topping S.W. sea. 

But on the next ensuing day we had no small breeze, but 
rather hard gusts of wind. These grew so high that they 
forced us to take in our top-sails. We made a S.W. half S. 
way, and 45 leagues. 

On the r7th we had likewise high winds, and withal a S.W. 
sea. Our way W. byS. By observation this day lat. 30° 51’S. 
In the afternoon we had a S.S.E. wind, our course being S.W. 

December 18th. This day we had the same high winds 
as before, at S.S.E. We reckoned by a W.S.W. way forty-five 
leagues. At noon the wind was somewhat fallen, and then 
we had some rain. 

The 19th we had both cloudy and windy weather. My 
reckoning was a S.W. by S. way, and hereupon fifty-eight 
miles. Yesterday we were assured by our pilot that we 
were now in the meridian of the island of Juan Fernandez, 
whither our course was directed for the present. What 
occasioned him to be so positive in his assertion was the 
seeing of those great birds of which we made mention in the 
foregoing chapter. 

On the 2zoth we had cloudy weather in the morning on both 
tacks. We madeaS.W. and half S. way, and by it 52 leagues. 
By observation this day lat. 32° 20'S. D.M. 123 leagues. 


The next day likewise we had cloudy weather, yet by 
observation we found a W. way. On the 22nd by observation 
we found an E. way proved. 

Thursday, December 23rd. All the night past we had a 
fresh wind. But, in the morning from top-mast head we 
descried a hummock of land. In the evening we saw it again. 
We found afterwards that what we had seen was the Western- 
most island of Juan Fernandez—which is nothing but a mere 
rock, there being no riding, nor scarce landing, near to it. 

Friday, December 24th. This morning we could descry 
the island of Juan Fernandez itself S. by E., it being at 
sixteen leagues distance when we saw it yesterday. At 

even this morning the island stood E., the wind being N.W. 
or by N. At eight the same morning the island at the distance 
of five leagues, little more or less, appeared thus :— 



Here my observation was that I could see neither fowl 
nor fish near this island; both which things are usually to 
be seen about other islands. Having told my observation 
to our pilot, he gave me for answer that he had made many 
voyages by this island and yet never saw either fowl or fish 
any more than I. Our reckoning this day was an E.S.E. way, 
and hereby 36 leagues. By observation lat. 33° 30’ S. 

Saturday, December 25th. Yesterday, in the afternoon 
at three o’clock, we saw the other island making two or three 
hummocks of land. This morning we were about eight leagues 
distant from it, the island bearing E.S.E. from us. At eight 
the same morning we were right abreast with it. Here, 
therefore, are two islands together, the biggest whereof is 
3 leagues and a-half in length nearest N.W. and S.E., the 
other (and lesser) is almost one league and no more in circum- 
ference. At ten o’clock we sent off from the ship one of our 
canoes to seek for the best landing and anchoring for our 


vessel. As we approached, both islands seemed to us nothing 
but one entire heap of rocks. That which lies more to the 
N. is the highest, though we could not now see the tops 
thereof for the clouds which covered it. In most places it 
is so steep that it becomes almost perpendicular. 

This day being Christmas-day, we gave in the morning 
early three volleys of shot for solemnization of that great 
festival. I reckoned an E. by S. way. By a clear observation 
from the middle of the island lat. 33° 45’ S., and M.D. 99 
leagues. In the evening of this day we came to an anchor at 
the South end of the island in a stately bay that we found 
there, but which lies open from the S. to the S.E. winds. 
We anchored in eleven fathom water, and at the distance 
of only one furlong from the shore. Here we saw multitudes 
of seals covering the bay everywhere, insomuch that we 
were forced to kill them to set our feet on shore. 

Sunday, December 26th. This day we sent a canoe to see 
if we could find any riding secure from the southerly winds, 
these being the most constant winds that blow on these 
coasts. The canoe being gone, our Commander sent likewise 
what men we could spare on shore, to drive goats, whereof 
there is great plenty in this island. They caught and killed 
that day to the number of three-score or thereabouts. The 
canoe, returning to the ship, made report that there was 
good riding in another bay, situate on the North side of 
the island, in fourteen fathom water and not above one- 
quarter-of-a-mile from the shore. Moreover, that there was 
much wood to be had, whereas in the place where we had 
first anchored not one stick of wood nor tuft of grass was to 
be found. 

The next day, being the 27th, between two and four o’clock 
in the morning we had a tempest of violent winds and fierce 
showers of rain. The same day we got in two-hundred jars 
of water, bringing them the full distance of a league from 
the place of our riding. In the meanwhile others were 
employed to catch goats, as they had done the day 

On the 28th of the said month, in the morning, I went 
with ten more of our company and two canoes, to fetch water 
from the land. Being come thither and having filled our 
jars, we could not get back to the ship by reason of a Southerly 



wind that blew from off the ocean and hindered our return, 
Thus we were forced to lie still in a water-hole, and wait 
till the winds were over for a safer opportunity. Meanwhile, 
the violence of the wind increasing, our ship was forced to 
get under sail and make away, not without danger of being 
forced ashore. Hereupon she sailed out of the harbour, 
to seek another place of anchoring. At noon I ventured out, 
to try if I could follow the ship, but was forced in again by 
the wind and a raging sea. Thus we lay still for some while 
longer till the evening came on. This being come, we ven- 
tured out again both canoes together, but the winds were 
then so high that we were forced to throw all our jars of water 
overboard to lighten our boats—otherwise we had inevitably 
perished. I ought to bless and praise God Almighty for this 
deliverance, for, in all human reason, the least wave of that 
tempest must have sunk us. Notwithstanding, we came 
that night to our place, or harbour, where we expected to 
have found our ship (called False Wild Harbour)—but found 
her not. Hereupon, not knowing what to do, we went ashore, 
and hauled up our canoes dry. Having done this, we ascended 
higher within the island, along a gulley, for the space of 
half-a-mile, there to clear ourselves of the noise and company 
of the seals, which were very troublesome on the shore. Here 
we kindled a fire, dried our clothes, and rested ourselves all 
night, though with extremely hungry bellies, having eaten 
very little or nothing all the day before. In the sides of the 
hill under which we lay we observed many holes like coney- 
holes. These holes are the nests and roosting-places of 
multitudes of birds that breed in this island—called by the 
Spaniards fardelas. One of these birds, as we lay drying 
and warming ourselves, fell down into our fire. 

The next morning being come, very early before sunrise 
we went farther to the northward, to seek for our ship, which 
we feared we had lost. But we were not gone far when we 
soon spied her at sea. Hereupon we passed a point of land 
and entered a certain bay, which was about a mile deep and 
not above half-a-league over. Into this bay we put, and 
instantly made a fire, thereby to show the ship whereabouts 
we were. Here we found good watering and wooding close 
to the shore. In this bay also we saw another sort of amphibi- 
ous animal, which I imagined to be the same that by some 


authors is called a ‘ Sea-Lion ’’4. These animals are six times 
bigger than seals. Their heads are like that of a lion, and 
they have four fins not unlike a tortoise. The hinder parts 
of these creatures are much like fins, but are drawn after 
them, being useless upon the shore. They roared as if they 
had been lions, and were full of a certain short and thick 
hair, which was of a mouse colour, but that of the young 
ones was somewhat lighter. The old ones of these sea-lions 
are between 12 and 14 feet long and about 11 or 12 feet in 
circumference. A seal is very easily killed, as we often 
experimented, but two of our men with great stones could 
not kill one of these animals. 

That day in the afternoon there came a canoe from on board 
the ship with provisions for us, they fearing lest we should 
be starved. In like manner the launch came with men to 
cut wood. They told us that the ship came to an anchor 
in the other bay, but that within half an hour the cable 
broke, and they were forced to leave their anchor behind 
them and get out to sea again. Night being come, we made 
our beds of fern, whereof there is huge plenty upon this 
island, together with great multitudes of trees like our English 
box, which bear a sort of green berries, smelling like pimento, 
or pepper. All this day the ship was forced to ply off at sea, 
not being able to get in. 

December 30th. The morning of this day we employed 
in filling water and cutting down wood. But in the afternoon 
eight of us eleven went aboard the ship all in one and the same 
canoe, sending her ashore again with provisions for the men 
that were there. This day in like manner we could not get 
into the harbour, for no sooner the ship came within the 
parts of land but the wind coming out of the bay blew us 
clear out again. Thus we were forced to ply out all that 
night and great part of the following day. 

On the next day, having overcome all difficulties and 
many dangers, we came to an anchor in the afternoon in 
fifteen fathom water, at the distance of a cable’s length from 
shore. Here it was observable that we were forced to keep 

1 Probably the seal, Otaria jubata, of the Pacific Ocean, which has a 
large crest or mane, on its neck. Cf. Dampier, Voyages (1697), ed. 1729, 
i, 90: ‘‘ The Sea Lion is a large creature about 12 or 14 foot long.”’ It 
must not be confused with the walrus, as is frequently done. 


men ashore on purpose to beat off the seals, while our men 
filled water at the sea-side, at high-water mark, for the 
seals covet hugely to lie in fresh water. About this island 
fish is so plentiful that in less than one hour’s time two men 
caught enough for our whole company. 

Saturday, January 1st, 1681. This day we put up a new 
main-top, larger than the old one, and we caught cray-fish 
that were bigger than our English lobsters. 

The next day, being January 2nd, died a chief man of 
our company, whose name was John Hilliard. This man, 
until our weighing anchor from the port of Coquimbo, had 
been our Master all the space of this voyage. But from that 
time we chose John Cox for the starboard, and John Fall 
for the larboard, watch. The disease whereof he died was 
the dropsy. That evening we buried our dead companion, 
and gave him a volley for his funeral, according to the usual] 

On January 3rd we had terrible gusts of wind from the 
shore every hour. This day our pilot told us that many years 
ago a certain ship was cast away upon this island, and only 
one man saved, who lived alone upon the island five years 
before any ship came this way to carry him off. The island 
has excellent land in many valleys belonging thereunto. 
This day, likewise, we fetched our anchor which we left in 
the other bay when the ship broke her cable. 

Tuesday, January 4th, 1681. This day we had such terrible 
flaws of wind that the cable of our ship broke, and we had 
undoubtedly been on shore had not the other held us fast. 
At last it came home, and we drove outward. By the way it 
caught hold of a rock, and held some time, but at last we 
hauled it up, and the wind came with so much violence that 
the waves flew as high as our main-top and made all the 
water of a foam. 

January 5th the same huge gusts of wind continued all the 
night last past, notwithstanding which this day at noon it 
was brave and calm. But in the morning the anchor of 
our ship gave way again, and we drove to the Eastward more 
than half-a-mile, till at last we happened to fasten again in 
60 fathom water. Here in this bay where we rode at anchor 
did run a violent current, sometimes into and at other times 
out of the bay, so’ that all was uncertain with us. But our 


greatest discomfort was that our men were all in a mutiny 
against each other, and much divided among themselves, 
some of them being for going home towards England or our 
foreign plantations, and that round about America through 
the Strait of Magellan, as Captain Sawkins had designed 
to do; others of them being for staying longer and searching 
farther into those seas till such time as they had got more 
money. This day at noon our anchor drove again, whereupon, 
to secure ourselves from that dangerous place, we sailed 
thence into the West bay, anchored there in twenty-five 
fathom water, and moored our ship one-quarter-of-a-mile 
from shore. 

On Thursday, January 6th, our differences being now 
grown to a great height, the mutineers made a new election 
of another person to be our chief Captain and Commander, 
by virtue whereof they deposed Captain Sharp, whom they 
protested they would obey no longer. They chose therefore 
one of our company whose name was John Watling, to 
command in chief, he having been an old privateer and 
gained the esteem of being a stout seaman. The election 
being made, all the rest were forced to give their assent to 
it, and Captain Sharp gave over his command, whereupon 
they immediately made articles with Watling, and signed 

The following day, being the 7th, we burnt and tallowed 
the starboard side of our ship. In this bay where we now 
anchored we found a cross cut in the bark of a tree and several 
letters besides. Hereupon, in another tree up the gulley, 
I engraved the two first letters of my name, with a cross over 
them. This day, likewise, William Cook, servant to Captain 
Edmund Cook, being searched, we found a paper with all our 
names written in it, which it was suspected he designed to 
have given to the Spanish prisoners. For these reasons this 
evening our Captain thought it convenient to put him in irons, 
which was accordingly done. The next day we finished the 
other side of our ship. 

Sunday, January 9th. This day was the first Sunday 
that ever we kept by command and common consent since 
the loss and death of our valiant commander, Captain Saw- 
kins. This generous-spirited man threw the dice overboard, 
finding them in use on the said day. 


January 10th. This day the weather was very clear and 
settled again. We caught every day in the bay where we now 
were great plenty of fish, and I saw the same day a shoal 
of fish a mile and more long. 

On the next day, being the 11th, we filled our water and 
carried our wood on board the ship. Moreover, our two 
canoes went to the other side of the island to catch goats, 
for on the barren side thereof are found and caught the best, 
and by land it is impossible to go from one side of the island 
to the other. 

Wednesday, January 12th. This morning our canoes 
returned from catching goats, firing guns as they came 
towards us to give us warning. Being come on board, they 
told us they had espied three sail of ships, which they con- 
ceived to be men-of-war, coming about the island. Within 
half-an-hour after this notice given by our boats, the ships 
came in sight to leeward of the island. Hereupon we immedi- 
ately slipped our cables and put to sea, taking all our men 
on board that were ashore at that time. Only one, William, 
a Mosquito Indian, was then left behind on the island, because 
he could not be found at this our sudden departure. Upon 
the Island of Juan Fernandez grow certain trees that are 
called by the name of bilby-trees. The tops of these trees 
are excellent cabbage, and of them is made the same use 
that we do of cabbage in England. Here fish abound in such 
quantity that on the surface of the water I have taken fish 
with a bare and naked hook, that is to say unbaited. Much 
fish is taken here of the weight of twenty pounds, the smallest 
that is taken in the bay being almost two pound weight. 
Very good timber for building of houses and other uses is 
likewise found upon the island. It is distant from the main 
continent ninety-five leagues or thereabouts, being situate 
in 33° 40’ S. The plats of the island lie N.W. and S.E. 

Being got out of the bay, we stood off to sea, and kept 
to windward as close as we could. The biggest of these 
Spanish men-of-war, for such they proved to be, was of the 
burden of 800 tons, and was called El Santo Christo, being 
mounted with twelve guns. The second, named San Francisco, 
was of the port of 600 tons, and had ten guns. The third 
was of the carriage of 350 tons, whose name I have forgotten. 
As soon as they saw us, they instantly put out their bloody 


flags, and we, to show them that we were not as yet daunted, 
did the same with ours. We kept close under the wind, and 
were, to confess the truth, very unwilling to fight them, by 
reason they kept all in a knot together and we could not 
single out any one of them or separate him from the rest— 
especially considering that our present Commander, Watling, 
had showed himself at their appearance to be faint-hearted. 
As for the Spaniards themselves, they might have easily come 
to us, since we lay by several times, but undoubtedly they 
were cowardly given, and peradventure as unwilling to engage 
us aS we were to engage them. 

The following day, being January 13th, in the morning 
we could descry one of the forementioned men-of-war under 
the leeward side of the island, and we believed that the rest 
were at anchor thereabouts. At W. by S. and at the distance 
of seven leagues the island appeared thus :— 

es oe 


.At noon that day we stood towards the island, making as 
if that we intended to be in with them. But in the afternoon 
our Commander propounded the question to us whether 
we were willing now that the fleet was to windward, to bear 
away from them. To this we all agreed with one consent. 
And hereupon, night being come, with a fresh wind at S.S.E. 
we stood away N.E. by N., and thus gave them handsomely 
the slip, after having outbraved them that day and the day 


The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Juan Fernandez to that of 
Iquique. Here they take several prisoners, and learn intelli- 
gence of the posture of affairs at Arica. Cruelty committed 
upon one of the said prisoners who had rightly informed 
them. They attempt Arica the second time, and take the 
town, but are beaten out of it again before they could plunder— 
with great loss of men, many of them being killed, wounded, 
and made prisoners. Captain Watling, their chief Com- 
mander, ts killed in this attack, and Captain Sharp presently 
chosen again, who leads them off, and through mountains of 
difficulties makes a bold retreat to the ship 

Havina' bid our enemies adieu, after the manner as was said 
in the preceding chapter, the next morning, being January 
14th, we bore N.E. We reckoned this day a N.N.E. one 
quarter S. way, and by it 30 leagues. We were four leagues 
E. from the island of Juan Fernandez, when I took our 

Saturday, January 15th, we had hazy weather. This day 
we made by a N.E. by N. way 11 leagues. The same hazy 
weather continued in like manner the 16th. But about ten 

2D 401 


that morning the wind died away. Our reckoning was a 
N.E. by N. way, and 36 leagues. 

On the 17th we had a soft gale, and a clear observation. 
We found by it lat. 28° 47’ S. easting 70 leagues. The next 
day we had likewise a clear day, and we reckoned by a N.E. 
by N. way 31 leagues. By observation lat. 27° 29’ S. 

Wednesday, January 19th, we had a clear day, as before, 
and reckoned a N.E. by N. way, and 35 leagues and two- 
thirds. By observation we took lat. 25° 00’ S. This day 
we put up our top-gallant masts and sails, which we had 
taken down at the island of Juan Fernandez, when we thought 
to have gone directly thence for the Strait of Magellan. 
But now our resolutions were changed, and our course was 
bent for Arica, that rich place, the second time, to try what 
good we could do upon it by another attempt, in order to 
make all our fortunes there. In the evening of this day we 
saw land at a great distance. 

January 2oth, about midnight, we had a small land-wind 
that sprang up and reached us. At break of day we could 
descry land again, at the distance of g or 10 leagues, more 
or less. This day was very hot and calm, easting 92 leagues. 

On the 21st we had very little wind, and all along as we 
went we could descry high land, and that barren. We sailed 
N. by E., and N.N.E. along the coast of the continent. 

The next day being Saturday, January 22nd, we had very 
hot weather. This day we sailed N. and N. by E., and looked 
out continually for the island of Iquique, which our pilot 
told us was hereabouts. We kept at a just distance from land 
for fear of being descried by the enemy. 

On the following day, Sunday, 23rd, we sailed in like 
manner N.N.E. along the coast, which seems to be very full 
of bays hereabouts. By observation this day we took lat. 
21. AO. Ss, 

Monday, January 24th. This day we had an indifferent 
gale of wind, and we stood N. and by E., the wind being 
S.S.E. By observation lat. 21° 02’ S. Our whole easting I 
reckoned to be g2 leagues and a-half. In the afternoon of 
this day Captain Watling, our Commander, and 25 men 
more departed from the ship in two canoes, with design to 
seek for and take the island of Iquique, and there to gain 
intelligence of the posture of affairs at Arica. We were at 



the distance of twelve leagues from shore when they went 
away from the ship. 

The next day by a clear observation lat. 20° 40’ S. At 
four in the afternoon this day one of our canoes returned, 
bringing word that they could not find the island, though 
they had searched for it very diligently. At night came the 
other, being brought back by a wrong sign given us by the 
first canoe. This second canoe had landed upon the continent, 
and there found a track, which they followed for some little 
space. Here they met a dead whale, with whose bones the 
Spaniards had built a hut, and set up across. There lay also 
many pieces of broken jars. They observed likewise that 
hereabouts upon the coast were many bays, good landings, 
and anchoring for ships. That evening, about seven o’clock, 
a fresh gang departed from the ship to seek for the same 
island, while we lay becalmed all night, driving about a league 
to leeward. 

Wednesday, January 26th, we had extremely hot weather. 
This day the Spanish pilot told us that on the continent 
over against us, and at the distance of a very little way 
within the land, are many rich mines of silver, but that the 
Spaniards dared not open them for fear of an invasion from 
some foreign enemy or other. We sailed N., at the distance 
of about 2 leagues from shore. At noon by observation found 
lat. 20° 21'S. At four o’clock we saw a smoke made by our 
men, close by a white cliff, which proved to be the island. 
Hereupon we immediately sent away another canoe with 
more men, to supply them in their attempts. But in the 
meanwhile the first canoe, which had departed the evening 
before this day, came aboard, bringing with them four 
prisoners, two old white men and two Indians. 

The other canoe, which set out last, brought back molasses, 
fish, and two jars of wine. To windward of the said island 
is a small village of eighteen or twenty houses, having a small 
chapel near it built of stone, and for adornment thereof it is 
stuck full of hides or the skins of seals. They found about 
50 people in this hamlet, but the greatest part of them made 
their escape at the arrival of the canoe. To this island fre- 
quently come barks from Arica, which city is not far distant, 
to fetch clay, and they have already transported away a 
considerable part thereof. The poor Indians, inhabitants 


or natives of this island, are forced to bring all the fresh 
water they use the full distance of eleven leagues, that is 
to say from a river named Camarones, which lies to leeward 
of the island. The barque wherein they used to bring it was 
gone for water when our men landed upon the place. The 
island all over is white, but the bowels thereof are of a reddish 
sort of earth. From the shore is seen here a great path which 
leads over the mountains into the country. The Indians of’ 
this island eat much and often a sort of leaves that are of 
a taste much like our bay-leaves in England, insomuch that 
their teeth are dyed a green colour by the continual use of it. 
The inhabitants go stark naked, and are very robust and 
strong people, yet notwithstanding they live more like beasts 
than men. 

Thursday, January 27th. This morning on board the ship 
we examined one of the old men who were taken prisoners 
upon the island the day before. But, finding him in many 
lies, as we thought, concerning Arica, our Commander ordered 
him to be shot to death, which was accordingly done. Our 
old Commander, Captain Sharp, was much troubled in his 
mind and dissatisfied at this cruel and rash proceeding, 
whereupon he opposed it as much as he could. But, seeing 
he could not prevail, he took water and washed his hands, 
saying : Gentlemen, I am clear of the blood of this old man; 
and I will warrant you a hot day for this piece of cruelty, when- 
ever we come to fight at Arica. These words were found at the 
latter end of this expedition of Arica to contain a true and 
certain prophecy, as shall be related hereafter. 

The other old man, being under examination, informed 
us that the island of Iquique aforementioned belonged to 
the Governor of Arica, who was proprietor thereof; and 
that he allowed these men a little wine and other necessaries, 
to live upon for their sustenance. That he himself had the 
superintendence of forty or fifty of the governor’s slaves, 
who caught fish and dried it for the profit of the said governor, 
and he sold it afterwards to the inland towns, and reaped 
a considerable benefit thereby. That by a letter received 
from Arica eight days ago they understood there was then 
in the harbour of Arica three ships from Chile, and one bark. 
That they had raised there a fortification mounted with 
12 copper guns. But that when we were there before, they 

ee a at Nias 

ON Ee Le a 


had conveyed out of the town to the neighbouring stations 
all their plate, gold, and jewels, burying it there in the ground 
and concealing it after several manners and ways, which, 
whether it were now returned or not, he could not easily 
tell. That there were two great places, the one at ten, the 
other at twenty-five, leagues distance from Arica, at which 
towns lay all their strength and treasure. That the day 
before had passed a post to declare our having been at Coquim- 
bo. That the embargo laid on all vessels going northward 
was now taken off, so that a free passage was allowed them. 
That by land it was impossible to go hence to Arica in less 
than four or five days, forasmuch as they must carry water 
for themselves and horses for the whole journey. And, lastly, 
that those arms that were brought from Lima to Arica, as 
was mentioned above, were now carried away to Buenos 
Ayres. All these things pleased us mighty well to hear. 
But, however, Captain Sharp was still much dissatisfied 
because we had shot the old man. For he had given us 
information to the full, and, with all manner of truth, how 
that Arica was greatly fortified, and much more than before ; 
but our misfortune was that we took his information to be all 
contrary to the truth. 

The leaves of which we made mention above are brought 
down to this island in whole bales, and then distributed to 
the Indians by a short allowance given to each man. This 
day we had very hot weather, and a S.W. sea. By observa- 
tion we found lat. 20° 13’ S. Besides the things above- 
mentioned, our prisoners informed us that at Arica the 
Spaniards had built a breastwork round about the town, and 
one also in every street, that, in case one end of the town 
were taken, they might be able to defend the other. We 
stood off and on for the greatest part of this day. In the 
afternoon we were 8 leagues and a-half distant from shore, 
with a fresh wind. That morning, moreover, we took the 
bark that was at the river of Camarones, to fill water for the 

Friday, January 28th. Last night about midnight we left 
the ship, and embarked ourselves in the bark aforementioned, 
the launch, and four canoes, with design to take Arica by 
surprise. We rowed and sailed all night, making in for the 


Saturday, January 29th. About break of day we got 
under shore, and there hid ourselves among the rocks for 
all the day long, fearing lest we should be descried by the 
enemy before we came to Arica. At this time we were 
about 5 leagues to southward of Arica, near Quebrada de San 
Vitor, a place so-called upon that coast. Night being come, 
we rowed away from there. 

Sunday, January 30th, 1680. This day (being the day 
that is consecrated in our English Calendar to the Martyrdom 
of our glorious King Charles the First) in the morning about 
sunrise, we landed amongst some rocks at some distance of 
4 miles, more or less, to the southward from Arica. We put 
on shore 92 men in all, the rest remaining in the boats to keep 
and defend them from being surprised by the enemy, with 
the intent we might leave behind us a safe retreat in case 
of necessity. To these men we left strict orders that, if we 
made one smoke from the town or adjoining fields, they 
should come after us towards the harbour of Arica with one 
canoe ; but, in case we made two, that they should bring all 
away, leaving only 15 men in the boats. As we marched 
from our landing-place towards the town, we mounted a 
very steep hill, and saw thence no men nor forces of the 
enemy ; which caused us to hope we were not as yet descried, 
and that we should utterly surprise them. But, when we 
were come about half of the way to the town, we spied three 
horsemen, who mounted the look-out hill; and, seeing us 
upon our march, they rode down full-speed towards the city, 
to give notice of our approach. Our Commander, Watling, 
chose out 40 of our number to attack the fort, and sent us 
away first thitherwards, the rest being designed for the 
town. We that were appointed for the fort had ten hand 
grenades among us when we gave the assault, and with them, 
as well as with our other arms, we attacked the castle, and 
exchanged several shot with our enemies. But at last, 
seeing our main body in danger of being overborne with 
the number of our enemies, we gave over that attempt on 
the fort, and ran down in all haste to the valley, to help and 
assist them in the fight. Here the battle was very desperate, 
and they killed three and wounded two more of our men 
from their out-works, before we could gain upon them. But, 
our rage increasing with our wounds, we still advanced, and 

ee ee. a 


at last beat the enemy out of all, and filled every street in 
the city with dead bodies. The enemy made several retreats 
to several places, from one breastwork to another ; and we 
had not a sufficient number of men wherewith to man all 
places taken. Insomuch that we had no sooner beat them 
out of one place than they came another way, and manned 
it again with new forces and fresh men. 

We took in every place where we vanquished the enemy 
great number of prisoners, more indeed than peradventure 
we ought to have done or knew well what to do with; they 
being too many for such a small body as ours was to manage. 
These prisoners informed us that we had been descried no 
less than three days before from the island of Iquique, whereby 
they were in expectation of our arrival every hour, knowing 
we still had a design to make a second attempt upon that 
place. That into the city were come 400 soldiers from Lima, 
who, besides their own, had brought 700 arms for the use 
of the country-people ; and that in the town they had 600 
armed men, and in the fort 300. 

Being now in possession of the city, or the greatest part 
thereof, we sent to the fort, commanding them to surrender ; 
but they would not vouchsafe to send us any answer. Here- 
upon we advanced towards it, and gave it a second attack, 
wherein we persisted very vigorously for a long time. Not 
being able to carry it, we got upon the top of a house that 
stood near it, and from there fired down into the fort, killing 
many of their men and wounding them at our ease and 
pleasure. But, while we were busied in this attack, the rest 
of the enemy’s forces had taken again several posts of the 
town, and began to surround us in great numbers, with 
design to cut us off. Hereupon we were constrained to desist 
the second time as before from assaulting the fort, and make 
head against them. This we no sooner had done than, their 
numbers and vigour increasing every moment, we found 
ourselves to be overpowered, and consequently we thought 
it convenient to retreat to the place where our wounded men 
were, under the hands of our surgeons, that is to say our 
Hospital. At this time our new Commander, Captain Watling, 
both our quartermasters, and a great many others of our 
men were killed, besides those that were wounded and dis- 
abled. So that now, the enemy rallying against us and 


beating us from place to place, we were in a very distracted 
condition, and in more likelihood to perish every man than 
escape the bloodiness of that day. Now we found the words 
of Captain Sharp to bear a true prophecy, being all very 
sensible that we had had a day too hot for us, after that 
cruel heat in killing and murdering in cold blood the old 
Mestizo Indian whom we had taken prisoner at Iquique, 
as before was mentioned. 

Being surrounded with difficulties on all sides and in great 
disorder, having no head or leader to give orders for what 
was to be done, we were glad to turn our eyes to our good 
and old Commander, Captain Bartholomew Sharp, and beg 
of him very earnestly to commiserate our condition and carry 
us off. It was a great while that we were reiterating our 
supplications to him before he would take any notice of our 
request in this point, so much was he displeased with the 
former mutiny of our people against him, all which had been 
occasioned by the instigation of Mr Cook. But Sharp is a 
man of an undaunted courage and of an excellent conduct, 
not fearing in the least to look an insulting enemy in the face, 
and a person that knows both the theory and practical parts 
of navigation as well as most do. Hereupon, at our request 
and earnest petition, he took upon him the Command-in- 
chief again, and began to distribute his orders for our safety. 
He would have brought off our surgeons, but that they had 
been drinking while we assaulted the fort, and thus would 
not come with us when they were called. They killed and 
took of our number 28 men—18 more that we brought off 
were desperately wounded. At this time we were extremely 
faint for want of water and victuals, whereof we had had 
none all that day. Moreover, we were almost choked with 
the dust of the town, this being so much raised by the work 
that their great guns had made that we could scarcely see 
each other. They beat us out of the town, and then followed 
us into the Savannas, or open fields, still charging us as fast 
as they could. But when they saw that we rallied again, 
resolving to die one by another, they then ran from us into 
the town, and sheltered themselves under their breastworks. 
Thus we retreated in as good order as we could possibly 
observe in that confusion. But their horsemen followed 
us as we retired, and fired at us all the way, though they 


would not come within reach of our guns, for their own 
reached farther than ours, and outshot us more than one- 
third. We took the sea-side for our greater security ; which, 
when the enemy saw, they betook themselves to the hills, 
rolling down great stones and whole rocks to destroy us. 
In the meanwhile those of the town examined our surgeons 
and other men whom they had made prisoners. These gave 
them our signs that we had left to our boats that were behind 
us, so that they immediately blew up two smokes, which 
were perceived by the canoes. This was the greatest of our 
dangers. For, had we not come at the instant that we did 
to the sea-side, our boats had been gone, they being already 
under sail, and we had inevitably perished every man. Thus 
we put off from the shore, and got on board about ten o’clock 
at night, having been involved in a continual and bloody 

- fight with the enemy all that day long. 


A description of the Bay of Arica. They sail hence to the Port 
of Guasco, where they get provisions. A draft of the said 
port. They land again at Hilo to revenge the former affronts, 
and take what they could find 

Havine ended our attempt at Arica, the next day, being 
January the last, we plied to and fro in sight of the port, 
to see if they would send out the three ships we had seen 
in the harbour to fight us. For upon them we hoped to revenge 
the defeat and disappointment we had received at the town 
the day before. But our expectations in this point also were 
frustrated, for not one of those vessels offered to stir. 

Risa de Aricag ; 
7 CA dejeruption of Arica 

Pee ge 

The houses of this town of Arica are not above eleven-feet 
high, being built of earth and not of brick or timber. The 
town itself is four-square in figure, and at one corner stands 
the castle, which may easily be commanded even with small 
arms from the hill which lies close to it. This place is the 
embarcadero, or port-town, of all the mineral towns that lie 
hereabouts, and hence is fetched all the plate that is carried 
to Lima, the head city of Peru. I took the bay of Arica as 
it appeared to me. 



On Tuesday, February 1st, we had a clear observation, 
and by it we found lat. 19° 06’ S. This day we shared the 
old remains of our plate, taken in some of our former 
booties. Our shares amounted only to 37 pieces-of-eight to 
each man. 

N.B.—Here I would have my reader take notice that from 
this day forward I kept no constant Diary or Journal as I had 
done before, at least for some considerable space of time, as 
you see hereafter—my disease and sickness at sea being the 
occasion of intermitting what I had never failed to do in all 
the course of this voyage till now. Only some few memorandums 
as my weakness gave leave I now and then committed to paper, 
which I shall give you as I find them, towards a continuance 
of this history. Thus :— 

Monday, February 14th. This night between eleven and 
twelve o’clock died on board our ship William Cook, who was 
the servant aforementioned to Captain Edmund Cook, of 
whom likewise mention has been often made in this Journal. 

February 16th, 1680. This day we found ourselves to be 
in lat. 27° 30’ S. We had a constant breeze at S.E. and 
S.S.E. till we got about 200 leagues from land. Then, at the 
eclipse of the moon, we had a calm for two or three days ; 
and then a breeze at N. for the space of two days; after 
which we had a calm again for two or three days more. 

March 1st. By observation, lat. 34° or’ S. At this time 
begins the dirty weather in these seas. We lay under a pair 
of courses, the wind being at S.E. and E.S.E., with a very 
great sea at S.S.E. 

March 3rd. All hands were called up, and a council held ; 
wherein, considering it was now dirty weather and late in 
the year, we bore up the helm and resolved to go to the main 
for water, and thence to leeward, and so march overland 
towards home or at least to the North Sea. But God directed 
us from following this resolution, as you shall hear hereafter. 
We being thus determined that day, we stood N.E. with a 
strong wind at S.E. and E.S.E. 

On March 5th died our Coquimbo Indian. The seventh 
we had a West-wind, our course being E. by N. The eighth 
of the said month we were put to an allowance, having only 
one cake of bread a day. March roth, we had a strong South- 


On March 12th we fell in with the mainland, somewhat 
to leeward of Coquimbo. Within the island of Paxaros are 
double lands, in whose valleys are fires for the melting of 
copper, with which metal these hills abound. Off to sea- 
board it is a rocky land, and within it is sandy. About the 
distance of eight leagues to leeward is a rocky point with 
several quays or rocks about it. About one half-mile to 
leeward of this point turns in the port of Guasco. Right 
against the anchoring are three rocks, close under the shore. 

Being arrived here, we landed on shore three-score men 
of our company, with design to get provisions and anything ° 
else that we could purchase. The people of the country 
all ran away as soon as they saw us. There was building on 
shore in this port a fire-bark of 16 or 18 tons burden, with a 
cock-boat belonging to it. We took one Indian prisoner, 
and with him went up the space of six or seven miles into 
the country to an Indian town of three-score or four-score 
houses. Thence we came back to the church, which is distant 
four miles from the sea-side; and lodged there all night. 
Here are multitudes of good sheep and goats in the country 
adjoining this port, and it is watered with an excellent fresh- 
water river; but the getting of the water is very difficult, 
the banks being very high or otherwise inaccessible. How- 
ever, we made a shift to get in 500 jars of water. Furthermore, 
we brought away 120 sheep and four-score goats, with which 
stock we victualled our vessel for a while. As for oxen, 

MORO DE HORSE ~—s 4413 

they had driven them away farther up into the country. 
The jurisdiction of Guasco itself is governed by a Tenente, 
or Deputy-Governor, and a Friar, and is in subjection to the 
city of La Serena above-mentioned, being a dependence upon 
it. Here grows corn, peas, beans, and several other sorts of 
grain; and for fruits this place is not inferior to Coquimbo. 
Here we found likewise a mill to grind corn, and about 200 
bushels thereof ready ground, which we conveyed on board 
our ship. Every house of any account has branches of water 
running through its yards or courts. The inhabitants had 
hidden their wine and other best things, as plate and jewels, 
having descried us at sea before our landing—so that our 
booty here, besides provisions, was inconsiderable. How- 
ever, we caught some few fowls, and eat five or six sheep, and 
likewise a great hog, which tasted very like our English pork. 
The hills are all barren, so that the country which bears fruit 
is only an excellent valley, being four times as broad as that 
of Hilo above-mentioned. These people of Guasco serve 
the town of Coquimbo with many sorts of provisions. We 
gave the Indian whom we had taken his liberty, and I took 
the port of Guasco. 

Tuesday, March 15th, 1680. This morning we departed 
from the port of Guasco aforementioned, with very little 
wind, having done nothing considerable there, excepting only 
the taking in the few provisions above-related. We were 
bent therefore to seek greater matters, having experienced 
but ill success in most of our attempts hitherto. On March 
20th, Moro de Horse, being high doubled land, and at E. by 
N. appeared thus to us, in lat. 24° S. :— 


Moro DE Horse LAT, 24° S. 


At N., and at the distance of ten leagues, more or less, we 
saw the great and high hill of Moro Moreno, being so called 


from its colour. It is a dark hill, but much higher and bigger 
than the other aforementioned, and appears like an island, 

thus :— 

Moro MorENo EAT: 22° /30°°S: 

We had now very dark weather all along the coast. On 
March 21st we were W. from the bay of Mexillones. The 
point of this bay one league upwards represents exactly a 

March 22nd. This day our boat and canoes went from the 
ship, well manned, to find the river Loa. They went also 
about two leagues to leeward of it, to a fishing village, but 
could find no place fit for landing ; whereupon they returned 
without doing anything. The next day another canoe of 
our company went out upon the same exploit, but found the 
same success. Yet, notwithstanding, here Sir Francis Drake 
watered, and built a church, as we were told by our pilot. 
This church is now standing on the sea-side by the river, 
whose mouth is now dry. There are several huts to windward 
of it; and from the said church or chapel a great path goes 
up the hills; which leads to Pica. 

On Thursday, March 24th, by observation lat. 20° 10’ S. 
This day also we saw land at 18 leagues distance, more or less. 

Sunday, March 27th, we saw Mora de Sama and Lacumba 
at some distance. The same day we had an observation, 
and found by it lat. 18° 17’ S. That evening we departed 
from the ship with our boats and canoes towards the coast 
of Hilo, upon which we now were. We landed and took the 
village of Hilo undescried, they scarce suspecting we could 
have any design upon that place the second time. We caught 
the friar who was chaplain to the town, and most of the 
inhabitants, asleep, making them prisoners-of-war. Here 
we heard a flying report that 5000 English had lately taken 
Panama the second time, and kept it. But this rumour, 
as it should seem, proved to be a falsity. At this time the 
river came out, and was overflowed, it being near the time 

of the freshes. Here the prisoners told us that in Arica ten: 

—" ‘ 


of our men were still alive, whereof three were surgeons, all 
the rest being dead of their wounds. The Spaniards sent 
word to Hilo that we had killed 70 men and wounded three 
times as many of their forces. Here the inhabitants said that 
of 45 men sent to the relief of Arica from hence there came 
home but only two alive. We filled what water we pleased 
here, but a small boat that we brought from Guasco broke 
loose from us and was staved to pieces on the rocks. Here 
we took 18 jars of wine, and good store of new figs. On 
Tuesday following we went up to the sugar-works mentioned 
in our former expedition against Hilo, and found all fruits 
just ripe and fit for eating. There we laded seven mules 
downwards with molasses and sugar. The inhabitants told 
us, moreover, that those who came to fight us when we were 
here the first time weré most of them boys, and had only 
50 firearms amongst them, they being commanded by an 
English gentleman who is married at Arequipa. Likewise, 
that the owner of the sugar-works aforementioned was now 
engaged in a suit-at-law against the town of Hilo, pretending 
it was not the English who robbed him and spoilt his zngenzo, 
when we were there before, but the townsmen themselves. 
This day in the evening we sailed from Hilo with dark weather 
and little wind, which continued for several days afterwards. 


They depart from the Port of Hilo to the Gulf of Nicoya, where 
they take down their decks and mend the sailing of their 
ship. Forty-seven of their companions leave them, and go 
home overland. A description of the Gulf of Nicoya. They 
take two barks and some prisoners there. Several other 
remarks belonging to this voyage 

From the time that we set sail from the port of Hilo until 
Sunday, April roth, 1681, nothing happened to us that might 
be accounted remarkable; neither did I take any notes all 
this while, by reason of my indisposition aforementioned. 
This day we could hear distinctly the breaking of the seas 
on the shore, but could see no land, the weather being ex- 
tremely dark and hazy. Notwithstanding, about noon it 
cleared up, and we found ourselves to be in the bay called 
De Malabrigo. The land in this bay runs due E. and W. 
By an observation made, we found this day 6° 35’S. We saw 
from here the leeward island of Lobos, or Seals, being nothing 
but a rocky and scraggy place. On the S.W. side thereof is 
a red hill, which is a place about the said island which the 
Indian fishermen much frequent. It is situated in lat. 6° 15'S. 
This day likewise in the evening we saw the point called 

On Saturday, April 16th, we came within a league distance 
of the West-end of the island of Plate, above described. 
The next day to this, being Sunday, April 17th, 1681, our 
mutineers broke out again into an open dissension, they 
having been much dissatisfied all along the course of this 
voyage, but more especially since our unfortunate fight at 
Arica, and never entirely reconciled to us since they chose 
Captain Watling and deposed Sharp at the isle of Juan 
Fernandez, as was related above. Nothing now could appease 




them nor serve their turn but a separation from the rest of 
the company and a departure from us. Hereupon this day 
they departed from the ship, to the number of 47 men, all in 
company together, with design to go overland by the same 
way they came into those seas. The rest who remained 
behind did fully resolve and faithfully promise to each other 
they would stick close together. They took five slaves in 
their company, to guide and do them other service in that 
journey. This day we had lat. 1° 30'S. We sailed N.N.W. 
before the wind. 

The next day after their departure, being April 18th, we 
began to go to work about taking down one of our upper 
decks, thereby to cause our ship still to mend her sailing. 
We now made a N.W. by N. way, by observation lat. 25° N., 
the wind being at S.W. 

On April 19th we made a N.W. by N. way. By observation 
lat. 2° 45’ N. In the afternoon we had cloudy weather. The 
following day likewise we made the same way, and by it 70 
miles, according to my reckoning. 

On the 21st in the morning we had some small showers of 
rain, and but little wind. We saw some turtle upon the 
surface of the water, and great quantity of fish. We caught 
twenty-six small dolphins. By aN.W. by N. way, we reckoned 
this day forty miles. 

April 22nd. This day we caught seven large dolphins and 
one bonito. We saw likewise whole multitudes of turtle 
swimming upon the water, and took five of them. By observa- 
tion lat. 5° 28’ N. MHereabouts runs a great and strong 
current. This day we lowered the quarter-deck of our ship, 
and made it even to the upper deck. 

The following day we had but small wind, and yet great 
showers of rain. Hereupon every man saved water for him- 
self, and a great quantity was saved for the whole company. 
In the morning of this day we caught eight bonitos, and in 
the evening ten more. 

On April 24th we had both cloudy and rainy weather. 
By observation lat. 7° 37’N.; M.D. 92 leagues. This morning 
we caught forty bonitos, and in the evening thirty more. 
In the afternoon we stood N., the wind being at S.W. by S. 

Monday, April 25th. All the night before this day we 
had huge gusts of wind and rain. At break of day we were 



close in with land, which upon examination proved to be the 
island of Cano. To westward thereof is very high land. 
About noon this day it cleared up, and we had lat. 8° 34’ N. 
In the evening we sent a canoe to search the island. In it 
they found good water, and even ground, but withal an open 
road. At night we stood off the first watch, and the last we 
had a land wind. 

The next day following at daylight we stood in, and about 
noon we came to an anchor at the East side of the island 
aforementioned, which is not in breadth above one league. 
In the afternoon we removed from our former anchoring 
place, and anchored again within shot of the N.E. point of 
the island. In this place grows great number of coco trees all 
over the greatest part of the isle. On the North side thereof 
are many rivulets of good water to be found in sandy bays. 
We saw moreover some good hogs on shore, whereof we 
killed one, and two pigs. Here are great numbers of turtle- 
doves, and huge store of fish, but withal, very shy to be 
caught. To Northward of the island it looks thus :— 

31 | ae 


April 27th we had some rain and wind the forepart of the 
day, but the afternoon was fair. The next day in like manner 
we had great quantity of rain. On Saturday, the 30th, about 
seven o'clock in the morning we weighed anchor from the 
aforesaid island with little wind, and stood N.W. That 
day fell much rain, with great thunder and lightning. 

Monday, May 2nd. This day we observed and found lat. 
9° N. The coast all along appeared to us very high and 
mountainous, and scarce six hours did pass but we had 
thunder, lightning, and rain; the like continued for the two 
days following, wherein we had nothing but almost continual 
thunder and rain. 

On May 5th we had an indifferent fair day, and that 
evening we were right off of the Gulf of Nicoya. 

I'riday, May 6th. This morning we saw the cape very 

5 es | 

OS EE oe 

to ie ae ge age ce? Fem Oe 


eg as 


plain before us. N. by E. from it, are certain quays at eight 
leagues distance close under the main. We steered N.N.W. 
towards the biggest of them, at whose E.S.E. side are two or 
three small rocks. The main eastward is fine savanna, or 
plain and even land, through which goes a very great road, 
which is to be seen from the sea. At noon the port of Caldero, 
commonly called Puerto Caldero, bore N. from us. At 
which time the ebb forced us to sound in the middle of the 
gulf, where we found fourteen fathom water. After this 
we anchored nearer to the eastern quays, in 19 fathom, where 
we had oozy ground. 

Saturday, May 7th. The night before this day was very 
fair all night long. In the morning we went in a canoe, being 
several in company, to seek for a place to lay our ship in. 
Amongst the islands along the shore we found many brave 
holes, but little or no water in them, which caused us to dislike 
what we had found. On one of the said islands we happened 
to find a hat, and many empty jars of water, which showed 
us that some people had been lately there. About eight 
in the evening our ship weighed anchor at young flood, and 
about three in the afternoon we anchored again in six-fathom 

Sunday, May 8th, 1681. The night before this day, we had 
much rain, with thunder and lightning. The morning being 
come, our Commander, Captain Sharp, departed from the 
ship in two canoes, with 22 men in his company, out of design 
to surprise any vessels or people they could meet hereabouts. 
In the meanwhile, in the evening, we drove up with the tide 
(there being no wind) in the ship, for the space of two or three 
leagues higher, till we found but three fathom at high water. 
Here we backed astern. At this time we saw one of our 
canoes coming off from the island that was ahead of us (which 
was named Chira), calling for more men and arms, and 
saying there were two ships to be seen higher up the gulf. 
Hereupon eight of us went away with them ashore, whereof 
two joined the party aforementioned, and the six remaining 
were appointed to guard the prisoners they had taken. To 
these we showed ourselves very kind, as finding that they 
were very sensible of the cruelties of the Spaniards towards 
them and their whole nation. Here we found eight or nine 
houses and a small:chapel standing. These people have 


been in former times a considerable and great nation, but 
are now almost destroyed and extinguished by the Spaniards. 
We ascended a creek of the sea for a league, or thereabouts, 
and took two barks by surprisal, which were the two sail 
they had told us of before. One of these barks was the same 
we had taken before at Panama, of which I made mention 
at the beginning of this history. 

On Monday following this day we weighed anchor with 
our barks, and drove down the creek, with the tide at ebb, 
towards our ship. The prisoners that we had taken here 
informed us that, when we were to westward in these seas 
before, there lay 100 men at the port of Santa Maria. That 
our men who left us at the island of Cayboa, as was mentioned 
above, met the other bark that we lost at sea, as we were 
sailing thither, and thus all went overland together. That 
in the North Seas, near Porto Bello, they had taken a good 
ship, and that for this cause, ever since, the Spaniards had 
kept at the mouth of the river of Santa Maria three Avmadilla 
barks, to stop and hinder others from going that way. On 
Monday night our Captain, with 24 men, went from the ship 
into another creek, and there took several prisoners, among 
whom was a shipwright and his men, who were judged able 
to do us good service in the altering of our ship: these 
carpenters being there actually building two great ships for 
the Spaniards. Having taken these men, they made a float 
of timber to bring down the tools and instruments they 
were working withal. Here it happened that they put several 
tools and some quantity of iron-work into a dory, to be 
conveyed down the river with the float. But this dory sank 
by the way, being overladen with iron, and one of our company, 
by name John Alexander, a Scotchman, was unfortunately 
drowned by this means. 

On Thursday following, May 12th, we sent a canoe from 
the ship, and found the dory that had been sunk. That 
evening likewise drove down the body of our drowned man 
aforementioned. Hereupon we took him up, and on Friday 
morning following threw him overboard, giving him three 
French volleys for his customary ceremony. Both this day 
and t